G95h 


mim 


Gunnerson 


History  of  U-Stems  in  Greek 


Tlbe  "Clniversitp  of  Cbtcago 

FOUNDED  BV  JOHN  D.  ROCKBFELLEK 


HISTORY  OF   U-STEMS  IN   GREEK 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED     TO     THE     FACULTY     OF    THE     GRADUATE     SCHOOL     OF    ARTS 

AND    LITERATURE    IN    CANDIDACY    FOR    THE    DEGREE 

OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

(department  of  SANSKRIT  AND  INDO-EUROPEAN  COMPARATIVE  PHILOLOGY) 


BY 

WILLIAM  CYRUS  GUNNERSON 


CHICAGO 
THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
1 90  5^. 


JLbc  Tllniversiti?  of  Cbicaoo 

FOUNDED  BY  JOHN  D.  ROCKEFELLER 


HISTORY  OF   U-STEMS  IN   GREEK 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED     TO    THE     FACULTY     OF     THE     GRADUATE     SCHOOL     OF     ARTS 

AND    LITERATURE    IN    CANDIDACY    FOR    THE    DEGREE 

OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

(department  of  SANSKRIT  AND  INDO-EUROPEAN  COMPARATIVE  PHILOLOGY) 


BY 

WILLIAM  CYRUS  GUNNERSON 


CHICAGO 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 

1905 


COPYfilGHT  19(K 

The  UNiVKESiTif  of  Chicago 


AprU,  1905 


PA 
305" 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION:  U-STEMS  IN  THE  OTHER  INDO-EURO- 
PEAN LANGUAGES        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -  5 

I.    w-Stems         ----------9 

A.  Nouns      - 9 

Declension  ---------  9 

Suffixes -        -        -        -  12 

B.  Adjectives       -        - 17 

Declension  -         -         - 17 

Formation  of  the  Feminine          -        -        -        -        -  18 

Suffixes 18 

II.    w-Stems         -        - -  20 

A.  Nouns      -        -        - 20 

B.  Adjectives       -.-- 21 

U-STEMS  IN  GREEK    ---------  23 

A.  Nouns     -----------23 

I.  Nouns  in  -vs  -v,  Gen.  -eos  (Attic  -ecus),  Representing  the 

Original  Type  I  (Short  w-Stems) 23 

Declension 23 

vtvs       ----------29 

yovv  and.  86pv        --------  So 

II.  Nouns  in  -us  -v,  Gen.  -vos 36 

Declension  ---------  36 

Suffixes  under  both  I  and  II 41 

Change  of  tu  to  o-u 50 

B.  Adjectives      ----------57 

Declension 57 

Formation  of  the  Feminine          -        -        -        -        -  58 

Suffixes        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -  60 

C.  Compounds 61 

NOTES  IN  EXPLANATION  OF  THE  WORpLISTS,  ETC.     -  66 

WORD-LISTS ..----  69 

A.  Nouns  in  -vs  -v,  -cos  (-ews)  with  Their  Compounds      -        -  69 

B.  Nouns  in  -us  -v,  -vos  with  Their  Compounds        -        -        -  69 

C.  Adjectives  in  -vs  -v,  -eos  with  Their  Compounds         -        -  71 

3 


INTRODUCTION:     U-STEMS    IN    THE    OTHER    INDO- 
EUROPEAN    LANGUAGES 

The  evidence  of  the  Indo-European  languages  points  to  the 
existence  in  the  parent  speech  of  two  distinct  types  of  w-stems: 

I.  Stems  in  which  u  interchanges  with  eu,  ou,  as  in  t-stems  i 
interchanges  with  ei,  oi.  Thus  nom.  sg.  -lis,  Skt.  suwds,  L.  manus, 
Goth,  sunus,  Lith.  suniis,  O.B.  synu — gen.  sg.  -eus,  -ous,  Skt. 
sunos,  L.  manils  (Osc.  castrous),  Goth,  sunaus,  Lith.  sunaus, 
O.B.  synu.     These  may  be  called  simply  w-stems. 

II.  Stems  in  which  ii  interchanges  with  uii,  as  in  i-stems  I 
interchanges  with  ii.  Thus  nom.  sg.  -us,  Skt.  bhrus,  gvagrus, 
tanus,  Grk.  6<f)pik,  L.  sus,  O.B.  svekry — gen.  sg.  -uuos,  -uues, 
Skt.  hhruvds,  (Vedic)  tanilas  {tanvds),  Grk.  o^pvo^,  O.B. 
svekrilve.     These  may  be  called  w-stems. 

It  has  been  held  by  some  (e.  g.,  Bezzenberger,  B.B,  7  [1883],  73;  Job. 
Schmidt,  PI  or.  54  ff.;  Johansson,  K.Z.  30  [1890],  403  ff.,  Gott.  gel.  Anz., 
1890,  741  ff.;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1891],  382, 449;  Reichelt,  B.B.  25  [1899], 
240)  that  there  is  another  I.E.  type  of  w-stems  in  which  there  is  inter- 
change of  w  with  ud,  parallel  to  the  interchange  of  i  {ia)  with  id  (ie)  in 
the  type  represented  by  Skt.  devt,  bhdranti,  Grk.  <f)epovaa,  etc.  In  con- 
sidering the  Sanskrit  evidence,  we  may,  with  Lanman  (Noim  Inflection 
in  the  Veda),  let  A  =  the  short  i  (or  w)  type,  B  the  i-  id-  {devt)  type,  C  the 
i-  ii-  (or  w-  ww-,  nadis)  type.  In  the  Veda  the  types  B  and  C  of  i-stems 
are  distinct  in  eleven  case-forms,  while  they  agree  in  three.  In  classical 
Sanskrit  both  types  have  been  merged,  and  their  common  declension 
follows  Vedic  B  in  eight  out  of  the  eleven  cases  where  differences  existed 
between  B  and  C  in  Vedic.  There  are  some  few  examples  of  this  transfer 
in  the  Veda  (Lanman,  p.  373),  and  numerous  examples  of  the  transfer  of 
A  to  B  (67  forms  from  27  stems).  In  seven  of  these  eight  cases  the  clas- 
sical declension  of  w-stems  differs  in  precisely  the  same  manner  from  the 
Vedic  type  C,  and  a  very  few  forms  of  this  kind  are  also  found  in  Vedic 
(Lanman,  p.  404).  It  is  on  this  ground  that  J.  Schmidt  assumes  the 
existence  of  a  type  B  of  w-stems,  parallel  to  the  type  devi.  But  whereas 
in  the  case  of  i-stems,  there  is  in  Vedic,  aside  from  all  examples  of  trans- 
fer from  A  or  C,  a  full  declensional  type  B  followed  by  a  large  class  of 
words,  there  is  no  such  independent  type  of  w-stems.  The  classical 
declension  of  w-stems  and  the  scattering  forms  of  this  type  in  the  Veda 

5 


6  HISTORY    OF    ?/-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

may  perfectly  well  be  attributed  to  the  direct  analogy  of  type  B  of 
«-stems,  as  already  explained  by  Lanman,  p.  401.  Add  to  this  that  at 
no  period  is  there  a  nom.  sg.  in  -u  parallel  to  that  in  -I,  and  there  is 
every  reason  for  abiding  by  the  judgment  of  Lanman,  Whitney,  and 
others  that  there  is  no  evidence  in  Sanskrit  for  a  type  of  il-stems  parallel 
to  that  of  devi.  In  fact  the  conditions  in  the  Veda  are  so  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  the  existence  of  such  a  type  in  the  parent  speech,  that 
this  can  be  admitted  only  on  the  most  cogent  evidence  from  the  other 
languages. 

But  while  the  devi-type  of  z-stems  is  represented  by  important  cate- 
gories in  other  languages,  especially  the  feminines  of  the  present  parti- 
ciple and  other  consonant  stems  in  Greek,  Germanic,  and  Balto-Slavic, 
the  advocates  of  a  corresponding  type  of  ii-stems  have  brought  forward 
only  a  few  scattered  forms,  none  of  which  is  at  all  decisive.  Most  of 
these  are  from  the  Greek,*  where,  since  we  have  nom.  sg.  in  -la  =  Skt.  -i, 
we  should  expect  nom.  sg.  -fa  for  the  corresponding  tt-stems. 

The  principal  example  is  npicr^a,  derived  from  *irp(.(TJBpa  (or  *npeayfa) 
by  Bezzenberger,  B.B.  7  (1883),  73;  Johansson,  K.Z.  30  (1890,  article 
written  1888),  403;  J.  Schmidt,  Plur.  57  (1889,  written  about  1883); 
Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1891),  382,  449;  Schulze,  Q.E.  448  (1891);  Reichelt, 
B.B.  25  (1899),  240,  following  Johansson.  Neisser,  B.B.  20  (1894),  52, 
gets  Trpeafta  from  *7rpeo-^e/ra.  Grassmann,  K.Z.  11  (1862),  24,  took  irpicrjSa 
from  *7rp€o-/?(.a.  Misteli,  K.Z.  17  (1868),  171,  gave  irpicrfia  as  equal  to  *7rpco-- 
/Se'^ia.  Misteli's  view,  also  held  by  some  of  the  ancient  grammarians 
(Etym.  Mag.  687,  3;  Bekker,  A.G.  2,  391,  519),  is  out  of  the  question. 
There  is  no  phonetic  difficulty  in  Grassmann's  suggestion,  but  Trpea/Sa 
could  come  equally  well  from  *7rp£o-/3/ria,  and  be  thus  counted  a  fem.  to 
TTpea-fivs  of  the  type  of  Skt.  dt^iu.  J.  Schmidt  objects  to  this  on  the  ground 
that  Skt.  adjectives  with  more  than  one  consonant  before  the  u  have 
their  fem.  in  -u  and  not  in  -vi.  But  this  is  not  universal  in  Sanskrit, 
where,  e.  g.,  phalgii-  has  both  phalgu  and  phalgvt  as  fem.  (Whit.  344,  b). 
And  even  if  mainly  true,  it  is  obvious  that  the  type  -vi  was  of  unrestricted 
application  in  Greek,  since  its  representative  -e/r«a  is  the  only  type  of  fem. 
adj.  known.  He  obj«^cts  further  that  the  form  *7rp£a-/9/ria  ought  to  have 
been  displac<,'d  by  *7rp£o-^€ui  as  *d8pia  =  Skt.  .svddri  was  displaced  by 
rjStia,  etc.  But  irpeafia  is  found  only  in  Homer,  and  there  in  a  sense 
("august"  not  "old")  which  shows  that  it  was  isolated  from  TrpcCT/Svs, 
which  is  itself  use<l  only  as  a  substantive  and  is  indeed  not  used  at  all  in 
Homer.  There  was  no  such  feeling  of  relation  as  between  ordinary  adj. 
forms  such  as  1781k  and  rjdcla.     Moreover,  for  an  undoubted  example  of 

I  For  example,  ono  of  the  chief  advocates  of  the  type  (.Johansson,  K.Z.  30  [1890],  428) 
says:  "Ansser  f-  ifi-stftmmen  sind  von  dor  klasse  H  nur  spftrlich  rcste  und  eigentlich  nur  im 
gr.  bewahrt."  .\nd  J.  Schmidt,  Plur.  Vt,  snys:  "  .  .  .  .  ausserhalb  dcs  indischen  und  griechi- 
schen  lassen  sich  die  in  Ictzterem  am  tchflrfsten  axueinander  gehulteten  sUimme  .  .  .  •  " 


INTRODUCTION  i 

-put  not  replaced  by  -e/rta,  even  where  there  was  no  isolation  in  meaning, 
cf.  TToXX-Q  from  *7roXfia  according  to  the  explanation  of  Schulze,  Q.E.  82, 
now  universally  accepted.  Another  example  is  vekXa  derived  by  Johans- 
son from  *TreXfa,  but  this  must  rather  come  from  *7reAf  la  as  suggested  by 
J.  Schmidt,  Plur.  48,  footnote.  So  also  from  *7r€A./rta,  Schulze,  Q.E.  82  ff.; 
Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  45.  Under  no  circumstances  does  Xp  give  XX.  An  example 
on  which  Johansson,  406,  lays  much  stress  is  i'yvua,  Hom.  lyvvr]  beside 
lyvvs.  He  supposes  that  tywa  is  the  original  form  and  that  lyvvrj  got  its  77 
from  the  oblique  cases.  Yet  here  the  short  jBnal  rests  on  the  testimony 
of  grammarians  (e.  g.,  Bekker,  A.G.  1382),  while  lyvm]  is  in  good  use. 
Johansson,  404,  gives  the  Hom.  fem.  adjs.  wKm,  /SaOia  and  the  regular 
Ionic  l^paxia,  Taxc'a,  as  from  -eud  {-u),  Grk.  -€pa,  and  not  from  -epia.  He 
has  the  same  explanation  for  'Pea  beside  'Petia.  But  -ea  for  -eia,  though 
not  so  common  as  in  Attic  (Meisterhans*,  40,  12),  is  well  known  in  Ionic, 
both  from  inscriptional  and  manuscript  evidence  (Hoffmann,  G.D.  3, 
528  ff.;  Smyth,  Ionic  197  ff.),  and  it  is  altogether  unlikely  that  wxea,  etc., 
in  spite  of  their  antiquity,  are  anything  different.  (See  below,  p.  59.)  J. 
Schmidt,  Plur.  58,  takes  the  Hom.  ace.  sg.  fem.  anr-^v  as  the  fem.  to  aiTrv?, 
for  *at7rav  from  *ai7r/rav,  with  rj  from  the  gen.,  dat.  Sg.  So  also,  p.  47,  he 
takes  Hom.  aiTra  from  *alTrpa  a  neuter  pi.  to  atTrus.  Schulze,  Q.E.  442, 
agrees  with  Schmidt  on  aiVa,  but  would  read  with  Nauck  ttoXlv  anrvv  for 
TToXtv  a'nrrjv.  A  neuter  pi.  atTra  from  ^anrpa,  which  does  not  prove  the 
existence  of  a  corresponding  fem,  form  (see  below,  p.  8),  may  as  an 
apparent  o-stem  form  have  given  rise  to  aln-^v,  if  we  retain  this  reading, 
but  there  is  also  the  possibility  that  both  are  simply  isolated  forms  of  an 
inherited  aiTrds  beside  aiViJs.  aKovda  is  said  by  J.  Schmidt,  p.  58,  to  be 
from  *aKav6pa.  So  also  Johansson,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1890,  751.  It  may  be 
an  instance  of  the  neuter  pi.  used  as  a  fem.  with  Grk.  -a  from  original  -a; 
cf.  aKav9o<;,  6.  Johansson,  K.Z.  30  (1890),  424,  did  not  put  it  under 
instances  of  -^a,  though  he  was  in  doubt  as  to  its  explanation.  The  his- 
tory of  0-suffixes  in  general  is  too  obsciu'e  (cf.  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  204)  to 
allow  the  use  of  aKavda  as  evidence  for  the  suffix,  idwv  is  given  by 
Schmidt,  p.  58,  as  a  gen.  pi.  of  eus  with  the  same  suffix  that  he  assumes 
for  Trpia-^a.  The  form  is  isolated  as  a  fem.,  no  other  cases  than  the  gen. 
pi.  being  found.  It  occurs  a  few  times  in  Epic  poetry,  always  in  a  sub- 
stantive use,  in  the  sense  of  "good  things."  The  word  eifs  c^os  is 
anomalous  and  the  history  of  the  form  idiov  eawv  is  involved  in  doubt. 
Cf.  K.B.  §  103,  9.  Johansson,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1890,  744,  pronounces  the 
example  entirely  vmcertain.  Schmidt  gives  Upaa  (Hdn.  2.  87,  33)  and 
depcrav  •  rrjv  Spoaov  Kp^res  (Hesych.)  as  probably  from  *ap€pa-pav,  saying 
that  ieparjv  cannot  be  taken  as  equivalent.  The  short  final  rests  on  the 
testimony  of  Herodian  and  Hesychius,  except  that  Pindar,  Nem.  3,  78, 
has  iepcr'  d/A<^e7r€c.  The  Thesaurus  prints  dipaav  without  comment,  citing 
only  Hesychius.    Johansson,  K.Z.  30  (1890),  418,  takes  this  word  with 


8  HISTORY    OF    ?t-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

short  final  as  an  s-stem  with  the  suffix  -u,  which  he  sets  up  as  the  fern, 
formation  for  various  stems.  In  Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1890,  744,  he  calls  it  an 
entirely  uncertain  example  of  the  -pa  sufBx.  Both  Schmidt  and  Johans- 
son assume  the  identity  of  the  neuter  pi.  with  the  fem.  sg.  in  the  nomina- 
tive, and  bring  into  account  forms  like  yovva,  hovpa,  SaKpva.  The  last 
may  well  be  simply  the  regular  plural  of  SaKpvov.  In  the  case  of  yovva 
and  Sovpa  the  -a  is  undoubtedly  the  same  as  the  -a  (Skt.  -i,  orig.  -a)  of 
consonant  stems,  no  matter  whether  *yovpa,  etc.,  arose  in  Greek  after  the 
analogy  of  consonant  stems,  as  assumed  by  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^  235,  or 
whether  they  have  simply  retained  an  ending  -U9  or  -ud  in  an  uncontracted 
foi-m  in  contrast  to  Sanskrit  -u.  (Cf.  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1892],  382.) 
But  of  all  the  neuter  pliural  endings,  -a  is  the  one  for  which  there  is  least 
proof  of  identity  with  a  nom.  sg.  fem.  And  forms  in  -pa,  even  if  inherited, 
no  more  prove  the  existence  of  a  nom.  sg.  fem.  in  -pa,  than  do  forms  of 
n-stems  in  -va  (Skt.  -ni)  prove  the  existence  of  a  fem.  type  in  -va,  Skt. 
-ni,  etc. 

J.  Schmidt,  Plur.  46,  47,  also  considers  adverbs  like  Ta^a,  wKa,  Atya, 
Kapra  as  evidence  for  the  suffix  -pa.  These  adverbs  clearly  must  stand 
or  fall  together,  and,  as  Schulze,  Q.E.  82,  points  out,  the  form  Kapra 
cannot  come  from  *KapTpa,  as  shown  by  forms  like  rcWa/aes,  aXeto-ov,  o-eiw, 
(Topo^  with  cru,  cr  from  Tp.  He  takes  such  adverbs  rather  as  closely  con- 
nected with  neuters  like  Ta;(os,  Kapro^,  *wko<;  (in  ttoScokt;?),  etc.  Johansson, 
K.Z.  30  (1890),  407-409,  attempts  to  show  that  cKvpd,  dSeXc^T?,  olavi,  piria, 
TTTcAt'd  originally  had  the  suffix  -pa.  It  should  be  evident  that  such  words 
as  these  do  not  constitute  evidence  in  favor  of  a  suflBx  -pa.  In  Johans- 
son's review  of  Schmidt's  Pluralbildungen,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1890,  741  ff., 
the  few  additional  examples  cited  are  too  uncertain  to  aflfect  the  result. 
He  gives,  for  example,  aZa  as  a  fem.  to  Skt.  dyu-,  p.  751,  and  L.  silva  as  a 
fem.  to  a  w-stem  *sulu-,  p.  752. 

Schmidt,  Plur.  61-75,  seeks  to  trace  the  type  also  in  other  languages 
than  Greek  and  Sanskrit,  but  has  no  convincing  examples.  For  instance, 
in  Latin  he  gives  angnilla  to  €y;(tAvs,  lingua  to  O.B.j^,zy-ku  as  examples 
of  this  suffix.  These  are  also  given  independently  by  Johansson,  K.Z. 
30  (1890),  425.  There  is  nothing  to  prevent  taking  these  words,  however, 
as  original  a-stems.  Here,  as  in  the  Greek,  the  possibility  of  deriving 
at  least  some  of  t\u'  examples  given  from  a  suffix  -pa,  if  such  a  suffix  were 
otherwise;  provtKi,  is  admitted,  l)ut  in  the  absence  of  outside  proof,  the 
necessity  of  such  derivation  is  denied. 

With  ro«^ard  to  the  Proto-Indo-European  conditions  out  of 
which  the  I.E.  typ4'8  I  and  II  arose,  see  especially  Hirt,  Akzent, 
§§  229  ff.,  233  ff. ;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  325  ff.,  especially 
331  ff.     Whatever  their  origin,  it  is  obvious  that  the   types   as 


INTRODUCTION  9 

given  were  fully  established  in  the  I.E.  period,  and  form  the  only 
safe  starting  point  for  a  historical  study. 

It  is  not  intended  to  include  in  the  scope  of  this  dissertation  the 
history  of  Greek  diphthongal  it-stems,  like  Zew?,  /Sows,  rjp(i)<i,  and  the 
large  class  in  -eu9.  It  is  true  that  among  the  numerous  explana- 
tions of  nouns  in  -eu?  there  are  some  which  treat  them  as  histor- 
ically connected  with  the  simple  i*-stems  of  Type  I.  Thus 
Kretschmer  in  his  earlier  explanation,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  330  f. 
and  466,  regarded  the  diphthongal  stems  as  a  second  class  of 
tt-stems  with  the  nom.  and  ace,  sg.  also  in  the  strong  grade,  com- 
paring Greek  nouns  in  -eu<?  with  the  O.  Pers.  dahydus,  etc.  This 
is  also  the  view  of  Bartholomae,  Ar.  Forsch.  I,  34;  Iran.  Grd.  I, 
190,  1.  In  his  later  explanation,  Zeitschrift  f.  ost.  Gym.  53 
(1902),  711  ff.,  Kretschmer  suggests  that  the  substantives  in  -ey? 
are  partly  derivatives  from  verbs  in  -evco,  partly  (names  of  persons) 
original  it-stems  with  vocative  in  -ev  and  nominative  in  -ew  after 
the  vocative.  Reichelt,  B.B.  25  (1899),  238  ff.,  thinks  there  was 
originally  one  type  of  w-stem  with  strong  grade  of  suffix  in  nom. 
and  loc.  sg.  as  in  n-  and  ?'-stems,  and  that  in  the  parent  speech, 
through  differences  in  accent,  there  arose  by  leveling  the  two 
classes  of  diphthongal  and  simple  it-stems.  Other  explanations  do 
not  connect  so  closely  with  simple  w-stems.  Brugmann,  I.F.  9 
(1898),  365  ff.,  holds  that  nouns  like  (fyopevf  arose  from  participles 
(verbal  adjs.)  in  -77-/^(0)-  which  belonged  to  verbs  in  -eco.  Ehr- 
lich,  K.Z.  38  (1902),  53  ff.,  considers  the  suffix  -rjf-  a  combination 
of  two  elements:  the  lengthened  final  of  a  nominal  o-stem  (tTTTr?;- : 
iTTTTo-)  and  the  secondary  suffix  -lies-  -iios-  in  its  weakest  form. 
But,  whatever  their  true  origin,  they  form  a  distinct  class  in 
Greek,  the  history  of  which  is  a  subject  by  itself  and  need  not 
necessarily  be  combined  with  the  history  of  it-stems  in  the  more 

limited  sense. 

I.    U- STEMS 

A.      NOUNS 

I.     AS   A   DECLENSIONAL   TYPE 

The  It-declension  of  nouns  is  preserved  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan 
(in  O.  Pers.  some  forms  of  the  plural  are  wanting),  Greek,  Latin 
(in  Osc.-Umbr.  some  forms  are  wanting),  Gothic,  Lithuanian,  and 


10  HISTORY   OF    l<-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

Old  Bulgarian,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  a  more  or  less  disguised 
form  in  Armenian  and  Celtic.  It  is  largely  preserved  in  Old 
Norse,  and  more  limitedly,  in  words  with  short  stem-syllable,  in 
West  G-ermanic.      (Cf.  Braune,  Althochdeutsche  Gram.,  §  228.) 

II.     TRANSFER   OP   W-STEMS   TO    OTHER   DECLENSIONS 

In  Latin  the  identity  of  the  nom.  sg.  of  m-  and  o-stems  led  to 
the  gradual  transfer  of  w-stems  to  o-stems  in  Late  Latin,  and  in  the 
Romance  languages  this  change  has  become  complete.  (Meyer- 
Liibke,  2,  4;  Grober,  Grd.  1,  369.)  An  early  example  of  this 
change  in  classical  Latin  is  seen  in  domus. 

So  in  O.  Bulg.  the  identity  of  the  nom.,  ace.  sg.,  and  ace.  pi.  of 
o-  and  M-stems  led  to  the  frequent  transfer  to  o-stem  forms  in 
other  case-endings  (see  Scholvin,  Archiv  f.  slav.  Phil.  2  [1877], 
506  ff.,  for  statistics),  and  in  the  modern  Slavic  languages  the 
o-  and  M-stems  are  completely  merged.  See  below,  IV.  (Oblak, 
Arch.  f.  si.  Phil.  13  [1891],  25;  11  [1888],  408.) 

For  Germanic  no  general  statement  can  be  made.  In  West 
Germanic  w-stems  with  long  stem-syllable  lost  their  identity  as 
?<-stems  and  went  over  to  other  declensions,  e.  g.,  in  O.H.G. 
mostly  to  the  i-stems,  but  in  part  also  to  the  o-stems,  in  O.E. 
mostly  to  the  o-stems.  Isolated  instances  of  transfer  to  consonant 
stems  perhaps  occur.      (Cf.  Kluge,  Paul's  Grd.  1,  458.) 

A  partial  transfer  is  that  of  jw-stems  in  Lithuanian,  which  have 
only  Jo-stem  forms  in  the  dual  and  plural,  except  that  in  the  instr. 
pi.  the  ju-stem  form  sometimes  occurs ;  jo-stem  forms  also  appear 
in  the  nom.  sg.  dialectically,  and  in  the  ace.  sg.  in  Old  Lithuanian. 
Leskien  (Nomina  327)  gives  as  the  reason  the  identity  of  form  in 
several  case-endings  of  the  dual  and  plural  of  the  jo-  and  j?<-stems, 
and  the  parallelism  of  function  between  the  suffixes  -jo-  and  -ju-. 

III.      TBANSKKK    IN    WHOLE    OR    IN    PART    TO   tt-STEMS    OP    WORDS    BELONGING 

ORIGINALLY   TO   OTHER    STEMS 

Kluge  (Paul's  Grd.  1,  458)  gives  Goth. /o^its,  handus,  tiin/ms, 
winfrus,  O.N.  orn,  l>joni,  O.E.  durii,  nosu  as  original  consonant 
stems.  The  starting  point  for  the  transfer  was  given  by  the  iden- 
tity of  the  ftcc.  8g.,  ace.  pi.,  and  dat.  pi.  of  cons,  stems  and  it-stems. 
But  the  special  occasion  was,  in  some  at  least,  semasiological  kin- 


INTRODUCTION  11 

ship  with  inherited  if-stems.  (See  Bloomfield,  A.J. P.  12  [1891], 
13.)  Gothic  hropar,  dauhtar,  swistar,  fadar  have  the  tt-decl.  in 
all  cases  of  the  plural  except  the  genitive.  Here  sunus  was  no 
doubt  a  factor.  Greek  masculines  in  -o?  are  declined  as  it-stems 
in  the  singular  in  Gothic,  but  in  the  plural  mainly  as  i-stems. 

IV.     INSTANCES   OP   M-STEM   FORMS   WITHIN   OTHER   DECLENSIONS 

The  most  striking  example  is  in  the  Slavic.  Even  in  O.  Bulg. 
within  the  o-decl.  it-stem  forms  were  common,  being  found,  beside 
the  true  o-stem  forms,  in  all  the  cases  where  u-  and  o-stems  dif- 
fered, except  the  voc.  sg.,  nom.-acc,  and  gen.-loc.  dual.  The 
most  frequent  (in  their  order)  are:  dat.  sg.  -ovi,  gen,  pi.  -ovu, 
instr.  sg.  -umi,  and  nom.  pi.  -ove.  (See  Scholvin,  Arch.  f.  si. 
Phil.  2  [1877],  491  ff.,  for  statistics.)  In  modern  Slavic  the 
o-  and  if-declensions  are  completely  merged  in  a  single  type  with 
various  proportions  of  o-stem  and  ?t-stem  forms  in  the  several 
languages,  but  always  with  a  strong  admixture  of  the  latter.  Thus 
the  M-stem  form  is  well-nigh  universal  in  the  gen.  pi.  (Arch.  8 
[1885],  239;  12  [1890],  83,  35  ff.),  and  is  widespread  in  the  dat. 
sg.  (except  in  Slovenian,  where  it  is  rare,  Oblak,  Arch.  11  [1888], 
524),  and  nom.  pi.  (Arch.  12  [1890],  14 f.;  8  [1885],  235).  In 
the  gen.  and  loc.  sg.  the  u-  and  o-stem  forms  appear  side  by  side 
in  most  Slavic  languages,  sometimes  with  a  distinction  in  use 
between  animate  and  inanimate  objects.  In  Slovenian  especially 
there  has  been  an  extension  of  the  -ov-  to  the  dat.  and  loc.  pi. 
(Arch.  12  [1890],  368,  397;  8  [1885],  244).  w-stem  forms  are 
also  found  to  a  much  more  limited  extent  in  other  stems  than 
o-stems.  The  reason  for  the  extension  is  to  be  sought  in  the 
clear  and  distinctive  character  of  those  ?i-stem  "^dings  which 
most  prevailed.  For  example,  the  gen.  pi.  of  o-stems  was  like  the 
nom.  sg.  and  it  was  natural  that  it  should  be  displaced  by  the  far 
more  distinctive  -ovu. 

Lithuanian  agent-nouns  in  -tojis  (j o-stems)  have  it-stem  voc. 
sg.  in  -au,  and  occasionally  gen.  sg.  in  -ausr  Brolis,  a  jo-stem, 
has  voc.  hrolau,  probably  after  the  analogy  of  siinau  (Bruckner, 
Arch.  f.  SI.  Phil.  3  [1879],  255).  So  in  O.  Bulg.  the  voc.  sg.  of 
Jo-stems  is  a  w-stem  form.  Umbrian  cons,  stems  have  the  w-stem 
endings  in  the  dat.-abl.  pi.  (Buck,  Osc.-Umbr.  Gr.  126) .    Umbrian 


12  HISTORY    OF    M-STEMS    IN    GEEEK 

Treho,  Fiso  show  a  transfer  from  the  o-stem  to  the  w-stem  form 
(Buck,  loc.  cit,  117).  The  loc.  sg.  of  Skt.  ?'-stems  has  the 
ending  -ciu  apparently  from  the  it-stems.  (Cf.  Meringer,  B.B.  16 
[1890],  224;  Hirt,  I.R  1  [1892],  226;  Bartholomae,  LF.  10 
[1899],  12;  Keichelt,  B.B.  25  [1899],  244.)  Compare  Latin 
nodu  after  diu  (Bartholomae,  I.F.  10  [1899],  13). 

V.     SUFFIXES 

Suffix^  -u-  substantives. — This  suflBx  forms  nouns  in  all  the 
eight  I.E.  branches,  except,  perhaps,  Albanian.  Its  formations 
are  not  numerous  in  any  language  except  Sanskrit,  where  there 
is  a  fairly  large  number.  Less  than  twenty  are  cited  for  Lithua- 
nian (Leskien,  Nomina  239),  still  fewer  for  O.  Bulg.  (Scholvin, 
Arch.  f.  si.  Phil.  2  [1877],  508  f.;  Leskien,  Hdbch.  67),  very 
few  for  Celtic  (Stokes,  B.B.  11  [1886],  76  f.),  and  in  Latin  and 
Gothic  there  is  no  considerable  number.  In  Sanskrit  the  accent 
of  neuters  is  regularly  on  the  root-syllable,  and  the  evidence  of 
the  Greek  (70W,  86pv,  etc.)  shows  that  this  was  the  I.E.  accent 
for  neuter  i<-8tems.  Masculines  and  feminines  in  Sanskrit  are 
accented  either  on  the  root-syllable  or  suffix.  The  Lithuanian 
examples  have  prevailingly  suffix  accent.  Gothic  haidus  (Skt. 
ketil-),  sidus  point  to  suffix  accent.  All  grades  of  the  root  are 
found.  The  formations  are  of  all  genders  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan, 
and  Latin,  masculine  in  Germanic,  Lithuanian,  and  Slavic.  (In 
the  last  two  all  it-stem  nouns  of  whatever  suffix  are  masculine.) 
No  specific  meaning  attaches  to  the  suffix  -u-,  but  its  formations 
rarely,  if  ever,  have  the  force  of  nomina  actionis. 

The  only  case  where  there  seems  to  be  any  possibility  of  connecting 
the  suflBx  with  a  distinct  semasiological  category  is  that  of  words  for 
parts  of  the  body.  There  is  a  considerable  number  of  such,  and  possibly 
u  partial  "adaptation,"  such  as  noted  in  Gothic  (see  p.  10)  is  also  to  be 
rt'cogniz«'<l  for  the  I.E.  period.  Examples  are:  Skt.  Jdnw-  n.  "knee,"  etc.; 
Skt.  bdhu-  m.  f.  "ann,"  etc.;  Skt.  hdmc-  f.  "chin,"  etc.  (see  below);  Skt. 
sdnu-  m.  n.  "back."     Cf.  also  L.  manus  f. 

1  Horo  and  elsijwhoro  tho  tnrni  siiHix  is  usod  without  any  implication  that  the  formative 
eletiionts  so  dosiffnatod  nro  in  nil  casos  roally  additions  to  the  root.  In  some  cases  the  same 
element  appears  in  verb-forms,  and  may  ho  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  root  or  base.  But 
when  such  an  element  has  once  become  productive  it  is  impossible  to  draw  any  sharp  line 
betwoou  forms  in  wliich  it  bolouRs  to  the  root  and  those  in  which  it  does  not.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  in  the  great  majority  of  words  these  elements,  whatever  their  origin,  are  actually 
suffixes  in  the  older  sense  of  the  term.  But  certain  obvious  cases  like  Skt.  bhii-s  are  com- 
monly designated  as  root-oonns. 


INTRODUCTION  13 

Examples:'  Skt.  clyii-  n.  "life,"  dyil-  m.  "living  being,"  Av. 
dyu-  n.  "duration,"  Grk,  auov,  L.  aevum,  Goth,  aiws  "time;" 
Skt.  jdnu-  n.  "knee,"  Av.  zanva,^  pi.  "knees,"  Grk.  70W,  L.  genu 
n.,  Goth,  kniu  n.  "knee,"  Eng.  knee;  Skt.  ddru-  n.  "piece  of 
wood,"  dril-  n.  "wood,"  Av.  da^ru-  n.  "piece  of  wood,"  dm-  n. 
"wood,"  Grk.  So'/oi;  n.,  O.  Ir.  daur  n.  "oak,"  Goth,  triu  n.  "tree," 
Lith.  dervd  f.  "resinous  wood,"  O.B.  drevo  n.  "tree;"  Skt.  pdgu- 
n.  pagil-  m.  "cattle,"  Av.  pasit-  m.  "cattle,"  Jj.  pecus  pecu,  Umbr. 
pequo  "pecua,"  Goth,  faihu  n.  "money,"  Eng. /ee,  O.  Lith.peA:?*s 
m.  "cattle"  (with  k) ;  Skt.  hdhil-  m.  f.  "arm,"  Av.  bdzu-  m.  "arm" 
(nom.  hdzdus),  Grk.  Trrj^v?,  O.H.G.  6mo(/  "bend,"  O.N.  bogr 
"bend;"  Skt.  mddhii-  n.  (Ved.)  "mead,"  (class.)  "honey,"  Av. 
mahi-  n.  "honey,"  Grk.  fieOv  n.,  O.  Ir.  mid  n.  "mead,"  O.H.G. 
meto  "mead,"  Eng.  mead,  Lith.  medus  m.  "honey,"  O.B.  medu  m. 
"honey;"  Skt.  hdnn-  f.  "chin,"  Grk.  7eVy?  f.,  L.  genu-inus,  O.  Ir. 
^mw  m.  "mouth,"  Goth,  kinnus  f.  "chin,"  Eng,  chin. 

Suffix  -tu-  suhstmitives. — This  suflBx,  like  -u-,  appears  in  all 
the  eight  I.E.  branches,  except,  perhaps,  Albanian.  It  forms 
chiefly  or  perhaps  entirely  nomina  actionis.  The  few  words  with 
the  force  of  nomina  agentis  like  Skt.  mdntii-  "counsellor,"  Goth. 
hliftus  "thief,"  no  doubt  originally  had  the  force  of  nomina 
actionis.  Compare  Skt.  mdntu-  "counsel"  with  the  developed 
meaning  seen  in  mdntu-  "counsellor."  An  important  division  of 
the  nomina  actionis  in  -tu-  is  that  of  the  verbal  abstracts  (infini- 
tives and  supines).  In  Sanskrit  the  infinitives  of  this  formation 
constitute  the  great  mass  of  words  with  the  suffix  -tu-,  being 
formed  at  will  from  any  root.  This  is  true  of  the  supines  in 
Latin,  Lithuanian,  and  Slavic,  and,  in  Celtic,  infinitives  formed 
with  original  suffix  -tu-  are  not  infrequent.  In  this  use  in  verbal 
abstracts  the  suffix  -tu-  is  not  found  in  Iranian  or  Germanic.  In 
the  formation  of  substantives  other  than  infinitives  or  supines, 

1  In  the  citation  of  examples  no  attempt  is  made  to  show  the  relative  number  of  existing 
forms  in  the  different  languages.  Preference  is  given  to  words  with  cognate  tt-stems  in 
other  languages,  and  to  those  whose  derivation  seems  clear,  ^nskrit  and  Avestan  words 
are  given  in  the  stem  form.  The  precise  phonetic  equivalence  of  words  cited  as  cognates  is 
not  assumed. 

2  Brugmann,  Grd.  I2,  555,  and  others  cite  an  Av.  zanu-,  but  the  only  form  extant  is  the 
ace.  pi.  zanva,  Yt.  1,  27,  which  as  a  w-stem  form  would  be  isolated  in  Avestan  (cf.  Jackson, 
Av.  Gr.  §268),  but  would  be  regular  if  from  a  wo-stem.  Hence  it  is  hardly  safe  to  assign  to 
Avestan  the  «-stem  form  zanu-.    Mod.  Pers.,  however,  has  zanu  "knee." 


14  HISTORY   OF    M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

-tu-  is  used  to  form  a  fair  number  of  words  in  Sanskrit,  several  in 
Avestan,  a  few  in  Celtic,  less  than  half  a  dozen  in  Lithuanian 
(Leskien,  Nomina  564),  perhaps  but  one  in  O.  Bulgarian,  many 
in  Latin,  and  many  in  Germanic,  especially  in  extensions  of  the 
suffix  -tu-.     (See  below.) 

In  Sanskrit  the  accent  of  infinitives,  when  simple,  is  on  the 
root-syllable,  and  this  holds  good  also  for  most  of  the  other  San- 
skrit stems  in  -tu-.  In  Lithuanian  the  accent  varies,  but  the 
material  is  too  scanty  to  permit  generalization.  Lithuanian 
supines  have  the  accent  on  the  root-syllable.  In  Germanic, 
Gothic  daupus,  frij)us,  wulpus  with  others  point  to  root  accent, 
and  the  words  in  -opu-  to  accent  not  on  the  suffix,  while  Goth. 
Jloclus  with  others,  and  the  words  in  -odu-  point  to  suffix  accent. 
Greek  nouns  in  -ru?  are  mainly  oxytone.  In  Sanskrit  the  strong 
(guna)  grade  of  root  is  regular,  but  the  weak  and  strengthened 
grades  appear  (Whit.,  §  1161).  Latin  has  both  strong  and  weak 
grades  (Stolz,  Hist.  Gr.  548).  In  Germanic,  Goth,  puhtus  m. 
"conscience"  to  piigkjan,  kustus  m.  "proof"  to  kiusan  among 
others  show  a  weak  grade  of  root.  The  strong  grade  appears  in 
leipu  n.  "cider,"  I.E.  root  lei.  In  Lithuanian  supines  the  strong 
grade  was  original,  but  the  weak  has  often  entered  through  the 
influence  of  the  infinitives  (Wiedemann,  Hdbch.  123).  O.  Bul- 
garian supines  have  the  infinitive  stem,  and  this  varies,  being 
both  strong  and  weak.  In  Sanskrit  the  words  are  of  all  genders, 
but  chiefly  masculine,  masculine  in  Latin,  masculine  in  Gothic 
with  perhaps  a  few  exceptions,  while  in  West  Germanic  there  has 
been  a  movement  to  the  feminine  of  other  abstracts.  Greek 
nouns  in  -tu?  are  fem.  with  one  exception. 

Examples:  Skt.  pitil-  m.  "food,  drink,"  Av.  pitii-  m.  "food," 
Grk.  TTiTu?  f.  "pine,"  O.  Ir.  ith  m.  "grain,"  Lith.  petus  pi.  "noon, 
midday  meal;"  Skt.  siltiL-  f.  "birth,  pregnancy,"  O.  Ir.  suih  n. 
"fetus;"  Av.  pi)su-  m.  "ford,"  \j.  partus  m.,  O.B..G.  furt,  "ford," 
Eng.  ford;  L.  gustus  m.,  Skt.  i^jus  "enjoy,"  Goth,  kustus  m. 
"test,  proof;"  L.  vultus  m.,  Goth.  wuJpus  m.  "glory;"  O.  Ir. 
recht  n.  "right,"  O.N.  rf'ttr  m.  "right;"  Goth,  leipu  n.  "cider," 
Lith.  lijtiis  m.  "rain,"  i/lei  "pour." 

In  Latin  the  suffix  is  very  productive,  there  being  99  sub- 


INTRODUCTION  15 

stantives  in  -tus  or  -sus  in  Plautus,  and  nearly  700  in  all 
writers  up  to  the  time  of  Hadrian.  In  the  form  -dtu-  the  suffix 
becomes  productive  in  words  denoting  offices  and  official  bodies, 
as  consuldtus,  magistrdhis,  sendtus,  etc.  (see  Stolz,  Hist.  Gr.  548, 
and  for  -dtu-  also  Bloomfield,  A.J.P.  12  [1891],  26).  In  Ger- 
manic the  widest  inifluence  of  the  tu-Guf^x  is  seen  in  the  form 
(Goth.)  -assus,  -inassus,  (Eng.)  -ness,  starting  from  verbs  in 
(Goth.)  -atjcm.  (Of.  Grk.  -a^tw.)  This  suffix  is  very  frequent 
in  Germanic,  Old  Norse  alone  being  without  it.  Possibly  in  its 
later  forms  outside  of  Gothic  other  suffixes  than  -tu-  played  a 
part  (Wilmanns,  Deutsche  Gr.  2,  355),  but  the  Gothic  forms 
show  that  at  least  in  the  beginning  the  suffix  was  a  ^?f-suffix. 
(For  the  suffix  as  a  whole  see  von  Bahder,  Verbalabstrakta  109  ff.) 

Suffix  -m-  substantives.  —  This  forms  nouns  in  Sanskrit, 
Iranian,  Greek,  Germanic,  and  Lithuanian.  It  is  rare  except  in 
Lithuanian,  where  its  numerous  formations  include  primary 
nomina  actionis  and  both  primary  and  secondary  nomina  agent  is. 
In  Sanskrit  and  Avestan  there  are  both  nomina  actionis  and 
nomina  agentis.  In  Sanskrit  the  accent  varies,  in  Lithuanian  it 
is  never  on  the  suffix.  The  gender  is  masculine  in  Sanskrit  and 
Lithuanian,  masc.  and  fem.  in  Avestan  and  Germanic.  The  suffix 
is  clearly  Indo-Iranian,  and  probably  Indo-European,  though 
there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  for  the  latter. 

Examples:  Skt.  ddsyu-  m.  a  demon,  Av.  dahyu-  f.  "country, 
nation,"  O.P.  dahyu-  f.  (nom.  dahydus)  "province,  district;" 
Skt.  manyu-  m.  "mind,"  Av.  mahiyu-  m.  "spirit;"  Skt.  mrtyii- 
m.  "death,"  Av.  mQv^dyu-  m.  "death,"  perhaps  Armen.  mark 
mah  "death,"  Htibschmann,  Armen.  Gr.  472;  Lith.  gyrius  m. 
"renown,"  girti  "celebrate;"  Lith.  st^gius  m.  "roofer,"  stegti 
"cover;"  Lith.  basins  m.  "barefooted  one,"  bdsas  "barefooted." 
For  the  numerous  Lithuanian  examples  see  Leskien,  Nomina. 

Suffix  -nu-  substantives. — This  is  rare  in  any  language.  It 
forms  nouns  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan,  Greek,  Latin,  Celtic,  Germanic, 
Lithuanian  (one  example),  and  Old  Bulgarian.  The  gender 
varies.  In  Sanskrit  the  accent  is  usually  on  the  ending  (except 
neuters,  which  have  root-accent),  and  the  root  has  the  weak 
grade  as  a  rule.     The  Avestan  suffix  -snu-   (Jackson,  Av.  Gr., 


16  HISTORY    OF    W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

§  807)  is  simply  an  extension  of  -nu-,  originating  without  doubt 
in  words  where  s  was  part  of  the  original  stem. 

Examples:  Skt.  ddnn-  n.  "drop,  dew,"  Av.  ddnu-  n.  "river;" 
Skt.  dhenil-  f.  "cow,"  Av.  daenii-  f.  "cow,"  Skt.  -\/dhd  "suck;" 
Skt.  hhdniX-  m.  "light,"  Av.  hdnu-  m.  "light,  ray;"  Skt.  siinil-  m. 
"son,"  Av.  hunu-  m,  "son,"  Goth,  sunus  m.  "son,"  Lith.  sunus  m. 
"son,"  O.B.  syml  m.  "son;"  Goth,  pailrniis  m.  "thorn,"  O.B. 
triniX  m.  "thorn,"  Skt.  trna-  m.  "blade  of  grass."  Latin  examples 
are:  sinus  m.,  pinus  f.  (also  o-stem),  cornu  n.,  and  perhaps 
manus  f. 

Suffix  -ru-  suhsiantives. — This  is  very  rare  in  any  language. 
It  forms  nouns  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan,  Greek,  Germanic,  and 
Lithuanian.  It  is  doubtful  in  Latin  (except  in  lacruma)  and 
Old  Bulgarian.  Its  forms  are  neuter  in  Sanskrit  (except  gdtru- 
" enemy")  and  Avestan,  masculine  in  Germanic  and  Lithuanian. 

Examples:  Skt.  cigru-  n.  "tear,"  Av.  asru-  "tear":  Grk.  Sdupv 
n.,  L.  lacruma  dacruma;  Skt.  gdtrii-  m.  "enemy":  Grk.  Korof, 
but  the  suffix  may  be  -tru-  not  -ru-. 

In  Latin  the  suffix  is  possibly  seen  in  tonitrus,  and  is  certain 
only  in  the  extended  lacru-ma.  In  Lithuanian  (Leskien,  Nomina 
440)  the  suffix  is  perhaps  only  a  variant  beside  -ra-.  In  Old 
Bulgarian  Miklosich,  2,  53,  gives  daru  "gift,"  and  mirii  "peace, 
world,"  but  neither  is  given  by  Leskien,  Hdbcli.  67,  or  Scholvin, 
Arch.  f.  Slav.  Phil.  2  (1877),  508  f. 

Suffix  -gu-  substantives. — This  is  apparently  the  suffix  of 
Lithuanian  zmogiis  "man"  (Leskien,  Nomina  524),  and  with  it 
has  been  compared  the  -^v-  in  Cretan,  irpelyvt;,  etc.  (cf.  Brug., 
Grd.  2,  261).  Another  possible  example  is  Av.  driyu-  "poor," 
perhaps  related  to  Skt.  ddridra-  m.  "beggar,  stroller,"  i/ drd 
"run."  Giles,  Proc.  Cambridge  Phil.  Soc.  25-27  (1891),  14  f., 
takes  L.  augur  from  au-  (=  avi-)  and  the  same  suffix  as  in 
7r/3eo--/8u-9,  Hkt.vanargu-  "wandering  in  the  forest,"  Lith.  zmogiis; 
so  also  Stolz,  Hist.  Gr.  156.  Otherwise  Zimmermann,  Rh.M.  55 
(1000),  486. 

Other,  rare,  suffixes  containing  n  are:  -dku-  (Skt.,  Whit., 
§1181,  d);  -mu-  (Av.  gar'mu-  m.  "heat");  -su-  (Skt.,  Lindner, 
Nominalbildung,   §97);    -tha-    (Skt.    and    Av.,    Whit.    §1164;, 


INTRODUCTION  17 

Jackson,  Av.  Gr.,  §794);  -tru-  (Skt.,  Whit.,  §  1185,  g);  -vanu- 
(Skt.,  Whit.,  §  1170,  c) ;  Lith.  -isziiis-,  -orius-  borrowed  from 
Slavic  (Leskien,  Nomina  599,  447);  -szu-  variant  of  -sza-  in 
Lithuanian  (Leskien,  598);  -hi-  only  in  Lithuanian  (Leskien, 
470). 

B.      ADJECTIVES 
I.     AS   A   DECLENSIONAL   TYPE 

The  It-declension  of  adjectives  is  preserved  in  Sanskrit,  Aves- 
tan,  and  Greek.  Old  Persian  has  one  it-stem  adjective  with  a 
few  forms.  Gothic  has  the  nom.  sg.  masc.  and  fem.  and  the 
nom.-acc.  neuter.  The  genitive  is  represented  by  filaus.  Lith- 
uanian w-stem  adjectives  have  the  it-stem  forms  always  in  the 
nom.-acc.  sg.,  and  nom.  pi.,  but  in  the  definite  adjectives  only 
in  the  nom.-acc,  sg. 

II.  TRANSFER  TO  OTHER  DECLENSIONS 

In  Latin  the  it-stem  adjectives  have  gone  over  to  the  i-stems, 
Skt.  tcmil-,  L.  tenuis.  A  very  few  may  have  become  o-stems, 
Skt.  cdru-,  L.  earns  (cf.  Stolz,  Hist.  Gr.  456).  The  only  relics 
of  w-stem  adjectives  seem  to  be  acu-,  in  acu-pedius  (Festus),  and 
Idils.     There  are  no  it-stem  adjectives  in  Oscan-Umbrian. 

In  Gothic  all  cases  except  those  named  above  have  gone  over 
to  the  Jo-stems.  The  transfer  in  Germanic  outside  of  Gothic 
has  also  been  in  the  main  to  the  o-,  jo-stems. 

In  Lithuanian,  except  in  the  cases  named  above,  the  jo-stem. 
forms  are  used,  save  that  in  the  instr.  sg.  (dialectically  and  in 
Old  Lithuanian),  gen.  sg.,  and  instr.  pi.,  it-stem  forms  are  also 
found.  In  the  definite  adjectives  all  cases  except  the  nom.-acc. 
sg.  are  of  the  jo-stem  form. 

In  Slavic  it-stem  adjectives  have  been  transferred  to  the  o-stems 
or  have  been  extended  by  added  suffixes. 

III.      TRANSFER   IN   WHOLE  OR   IN   PART    TO    tt-STEMS   OF    WORDS    BELONGING 

ORIGINALLY   TO   OTHER    STEMS 

•  .- 

Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  724,  gives  Skt.  peril-m  to  perils  "passing 
through,"  jigyilbhis  to  jigytls  "victorious,"  Av.  jngdiirum  to 
jagdurus  "watchful"  as  instances  of  transfer  from  the  perfect 
active  participle  (weak  stem  -its)  to  it-stems. 


18  HISTORY    OF    M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

In  Lithuanian  there  is  frequent  transfer  of  o-stem  adjectives  to 
M-stems,  the  forms  in  -as  and  -us  often  appearing  side  by  side  in 
the  same  word. 

IV.     FORMATION   OP   THE   FEMININE 

The  fem.  of  2(-stem  adjectives  is  formed  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan, 
Greek,  Germanic,  and  Lithuanian  by  the  addition  of  the  suffix  -I 
-id.  In  Sanskrit,  however,  it  could  also  be  formed  with  ii  by 
transfer  to  the  w-declension,  and,  less  often,  the  same  form  was 
used  for  the  fem.  as  for  the  masc.  In  Gothic  also  the  nom.  sg.  fem. 
was  always  the  same  as  the  nom.  sg.  masc,  while  the  other  cases 
were  formed  with  the  I-suffix.  The  use  of  -i  is  Indo-European, 
and  it  exerted  great  influence  on  the  M-stems  as  a  whole,  being  a 
chief  factor  in  the  complete  transfer  to  i-stems  in  Latin,  and  in 
the  partial  transfer  to  jo-stem  forms  in  the  masc.  and  neuter  in 
Lithuanian  and  Gothic. 

V.     SUFFIXES 

Suffix  -u-  adjectives.  —  This  forms  adjectives  in  Sanskrit, 
Avestan,  Old  Persian  (one  example),  Greek,  Celtic,  Germanic, 
and  Lithuanian.  They  are  numerous  in  Sanskrit,  far  outnumber- 
ing the  substantives  with  it-suffix,  much  less  common  in  Avestan, 
far  more  numerous  in  Greek  than  the  substantives  in  -u?  or  -v  not 
belonging  to  the  -i^  -uo?  type,  infrequent  in  Celtic  or  Germanic, 
but  very  numerous  in  Lithuanian,  here  again  far  outnumbering 
the  substantives  with  suffix  -ii-.  The  accent  of  adjectives  in  -u 
(of  whatever  w-suffix)  was  shown  by  Bezzenberger,  B.B.  2  (1878), 
123  ff.,  to  have  been  originally  on  the  suffix.  His  list  of  Vedic 
examples  is  about  in  the  proportion  of  five  to  one  in  favor  of  this 
rule.  He  also  cites  a  long  list  of  Lithuanian  adjectives  that  follow 
the  rule  and  only  a  few  that  do  not.  Greek  adjectives  in  -v<;  are 
regularly  oxytone,  there  being  less  than  half  a  dozen  exceptions. 
Goth,  hardus  to  Grk.  Kparv<i  and  O.H.G.  durri,  O.N.  f)urr  also  point 
to  accent  on  the  suffix.  Goth.  Jxulrsns  as  an  exception  is  weak- 
ened by  O.H.G.  durri,  etc.  (cf.  Kluge,  Nom.  Stammbildungslehre, 
§  182).  The  root  appears  in  different  grades,  and  there  seems  to 
be  no  special  significance  attaching  to  -u-  as  an  adjective  suffix. 
For  the  suffix  in  Sanskrit  see  especially  Whitney,  Skt.  Gr.,  §  1178. 
In  Lithuanian  the  suffix  is  primary  and  secondary.  In  the  first  use 
it  has  a  general  adjectival  force,  in  the  second  it  forms  derivatives 


INTRODUCTION  19 

from  substantives  and  has  the  force  of  L.  -osus,  Grk.  -et?,  being 
especially  frequent  in  this  use  (Leskien,  Nomina  244  and  259). 

Examples:  Skt.  cigil-  "swift,"  Av.  dsu-  "swift,"  Grk.  w/cw,  L. 
ocior,  acii-pedium  (Festus),  perhaps  accipUer  for  *acu-peter 
(Lindsay,  L.L.  259;  J.  Schmidt,  Plur.  174);  Skt.  uril-  "wide," 
Av,  vo^ru-  "broad,"  Grk.  evpv<i -,  Skt.  guril-  "heavy,"  Av.  go^ru- 
(in  a  compound)  "opposing,"  Grk.  jSapv^,  Goth.  kaUrus  "heavy" 
(cf.  Skt.  dgru-  "unmarried,"  Av.  ayrii-  "non  gravida");  Skt. 
tanil-  "thin,"  Grk.  ravv-yXcoacro'i,  L.  tenuis,  O.  Ir.  tana,  O.H.G. 
dunni,  O.B.  tinu-ku  "thin;"  Skt.  trsil-  "eager,  desirous,"  Goth. 
pailrsus  "dry,"  O.H.G.  durri  "dry;"  Skt.  puril-  "much,"  Av. 
po^ru-  "full,"  O.P.  paru-  "much,"  Grk.  ttoXw,  O.  Ir.  il  "much," 
Goth,  filu  n.  "much;"  Skt.  prthil-  "broad,"  Av. pdr^du-  "broad," 
Grk.  7r\arv<i,  Lith.  platus  "broad;"  Skt.  raghil-  "fleet,  Grk. 
iXaxv^,  Av.  r9vt-  f.  "the  swift  one;"  Skt.  svddil-  "sweet,"  Grk. 
r}hv<i,  L.  sudvis,  Eng.  sweet;  Skt.  vdsu-  "good,"  Av.  vohu-  "good," 
O.P.  vahu-  (in  nomen  propr.  compound),  O.  It.  fiu  "worthy." 

Suffix  -tu-  adjectives. — This  forms  a  very  few  adjectives  in 
Sanskrit,  as  dhdtu-  "drinkable,"  tapyatiX-  "glowing,  hot"  (Whit., 
§1161).  It  is  probable  that  these  are  transfers  to  w-stems  of 
-ata  forms  [pacata,  etc.,  Whit.,  §1176,  e).  So  in  Lithuanian 
the  suffixes  -tu-,  -stu-,  -sztu-  appear  along  with  -ta-,  -sta-,  -szta- 
in  the  formation  of  a  few  adjectives  (Leskien,  Nomina  556-59). 
The  suffix  in  Lithuanian  is  no  doubt  simply  a  by-form  of  -ta-,  and 
in  no  sense  an  inherited  suffix. 

Suffix  -iu-  adjectives. — This  forms  a  few  adjectives  in  Sanskrit 
(see  Whitney,  §  1165,  6).  For  "secondary  yu"  in  forming  adjec- 
tives from  nominal  and  pronominal  stems  see  Whitney,  §  1178, 
h,  i.  In  this  use  it  generally  has  the  force  of  "desiring  or  seek- 
ing after,"  and  is  fairly  common. 

In  Lithuanian,  adjectives  in  -iu-  are  very  doubtful  (Leskien, 
Nomina  326).  It  may  be  said  that  outside  of  Sanskrit  the  suffix 
-iu-  does  not  form  adjectives. 

Suffix  -nu-  adjectives. — This  forms  a  very  few  adjectives  in 
Sanskrit,  in  the  forms  -nu-  and  -anu-  (Whit,,  §  1162,  6,  c),  a  very 
few  in  Avestan,  and  a  few  in  Lithuanian,  which,  however,  are 
closely  associated  with   those  in  -na-   (Leskien,  355  ff.).     The 


20  HISTORY    OF    ?(-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

suffix  -snu-  found  in  Sanskrit  is  an  extension  of  the  suffix  -nu-, 
originating  no  doubt  in  words  where  s  was  part  of  the  stem.  Cf. 
Whitney,  §  1194.     So  also  Skt.  -tnii-,  Whit.,  §  1196. 

Examples:  Skt.  grdJmil-  "hasty,"  j/grdh  "be  eager;"  Skt. 
tapnil-  "burning,"  y'tap  "warm;"  Av.  zoisnu-  "unclean,"  Bar- 
tholomae,  Z.D.M.G.  50  (1896),  689;  Jackson,  A.J.R  12  (1891),  68. 

Suffix  -ru-  adjectives. — This  apparently  forms  a  few  adjectives 
in  Sanskrit,  and  one  or  two  in  Avestan,  but  in  the  absence  of 
cognates  from  other  languages  it  cannot  be  determined  whether 
the  suffix  is  -ru-  or  -lit-.  No  certain  examples  of  rw-adjectives 
are  found  in  Germanic  (Kluge,  Nominalstammbildungslehre^  94, 
197) .  In  Lithuanian  the  suffix  forms  a  fair  number  of  adjectives. 
These  outnumber  those  in  -ra-.,  with  which  they  are  closely 
associated  (Leskien,  Nomina  440  ff.). 

Examples:  Skt.  'patdru-  "flying,"  ^/jKit  "fly;"  Skt.  vanddru- 
"praising,"  Av,  vandru-  "desiring,"  Skt.  y/vand  "greet;"  Lith. 
gaidriis,  gedriis,  and  ghlras  "bright,  clear"  (of  weather) :  <^aLhp6<i. 

Suffix  -lu-  adjectives. — This  forms  a  few  adjectives  in  Sanskrit 
and  Greek,  one  or  two  in  Germanic,  and  a  small  number  in  Lith- 
uanian, where  they  outnumber  those  in  -la-. 

Examples:  Skt.  dhdril-  "sucking,"  Grk.  Oi^Xvi,  Skt.  \/dhd 
"suck;"  Skt.  hluril-  "timid,"  Lith.  hailiis  "fearful;"  Kluge 
(Nom.  193)  cites  only  Goth,  aglus  "heavy"  as  certain.  For 
Lithuanian  see  Leskien,  Nomina  468.  For  Skt.  -dlu-  see  Whit- 
ney,  §  1227,  h. 

Other,  rare,  suffixes  containing  u  are:  -dku-  (Skt.,  Whit., 
§1181,  f/);  -ku-  in  Lith.  (Leskien,  507);  -mu-  in  Skt.  stdmil- 
"thundering"  to  \/stan  "thunder"  (Lindner,  Altindische  Stamm- 
bildung,  §75;  Wackernagel,  Ai.  Gr.  14);  -su-  in  Skt.  according 
to  Lindner,  §  97,  but  doubtful.  In  Lith.  -su-  forms  a  few  adjec- 
tives, but  is  merely  a  by-form  of  -sa-.     (Cf.  Leskien,  597.) 

II.    tJ-STEMS 

A.    NOUNS 

I.     AS    A    DECLENSIONAL   TYPE 

The  ?7-declension  is  preserved  in  Sanskrit,  Avestan,  Greek,  and 
Old  Bulgarian.     Latin  has  it  only  in  the  root-nouns  sus  and  grus. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

These  have  the  ace.  sg.  suem,  gruem  like  Grk.  6(f>pva,  etc.,  and  in 
the  nom.  pi.  the  2-stem  ending  -es,  not  differing  in  this  respect 
from  other  stems  in  Latin  which  follow  the  cons,  declension.  The 
dat.-abl.  pi.  subus  is  the  u-stem.  form,  while  suibus,  gruibus  are 
after  the  i-stems.  Leskien,  Nomina  241  ff.,  sees  the  type  also  in 
four  Lettic  feminines,  pluralia  tantum. 

Some  of  the  forms  are  clearly  root-stems  in  which  the  w  is  a 
part  of  the  root,  e.  g.,  L.  sils,  etc.,  but  the  type  is  not  limited  to 
such,  as  shown  by  Skt.  Qvagru-,  O.B.  svekry,  etc.  Nouns  in  u 
are  all  feminine  except  a  very  few  somewhat  doubtful  masculines 
in  Sanskrit,  and  a  masculine  or  two  in  Greek.  In  Sanskrit  they 
are  all  oxytone  (Whitney,  355,  c),  and  in  Greek  the  accent  is 
on  the  ultima  almost  without  exception. 

II.     TRANSFER  TO   OTHER   STEMS 

In  Latin  it  would  seem  from  socrus  that  w-stems  (other  than 
root-stems)  became  w-stems.  The  shortening  before  the  m  in  the 
ace.  sg.  socrum  would  make  that  form  identical  with  the  ace.  sg. 
of  short  w-stems,  and  leveling  probably  caused  the  transfer  of  the 
remaining  cases.  In  the  modern  Slavic  languages  il-stems  have 
been  lost,  going  over  mainly  to  the  a-stems.  Isolated  instances 
of  transfer  elsewhere  are:  Goth,  swaihrd  (dn-stem),  O.B.  *kry 
kruvi  (I'-stem),  Lith.  zuvis  (i-stem). 

Examples:  Skt.  gvagru-  "mother-in-law,"  O.B.  svekry,  L. 
socrus  (it-stem),  Goth,  swaihro,  with  same  meaning;  Skt.  tanii-  f. 
"body,"  Av.  tanu-  f.  "body;"  Skt.  7irtil-  m.  "dancer,"  nrtyati 
"dance;"  O.B.  liuby  f.  "love,"  L.  lubet,  etc.;  O.B.  oely  f.  "heal- 
ing, cure,"  Goth,  hails  "well,"  Eng.  hale,  whole;  Skt.  bhii-  f. 
"earth,"  Skt.  7/6M  "become;"  Skt.  bhril-  "brow,"  Grk.  oc^pO?, 
Lith.  bruvis  "brow,"  Eng.  brow;  Skt.  vadhu-^  f.  "bride,"  Lith. 
vedii,  O.B.  vedq  "I  lead."  For  further  examples  see  Whitney, 
Skt.  Gr.  355,  c. 

B.     ADJECTIVES 

Sanskrit  alone  has  the  w-declension  of  adjectives.  Here  the 
suffix  -u-  is  used  in  forming  feminines  to  masculine  adjectives  in 
-u.     They  constitute  the  bulk  of  Sanskrit  iZ-stems. 

1  Uhlenbeck,  ai.  etym.  WOrterbuch,  s.  v.  vadhus,  cites  Av.  vaSu-,  wnich  I  have  not  been 
able  to  find. 


22  HISTORY   OF   M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

No  other  form  of  w-sviffix  than  the  simple  -u-  seems  to  appear.  (For 
Grk.  -TV-  see  p.  46).  Evidence  for  it-stems  from  other  derivative  suflBxes 
is  scanty.  The  suffix  -uko-,  which  forms  a  few  adjectives  in  Sanskrit 
and  Latin  and  a  noun  or  two  in  Greek  and  Old  Bulgarian  (Brug.,  Grd.  2, 
256;  Whit.,  §1180/.),  probably  arose  by  the  addition  of  the  svilfix  -ko- 
to a  tt-stem.  So  the  suffix  -tuti-,  which  forms  a  few  nouns  in  Latin, 
Celtic,  and  Gothic,  as  well  as  the  Latin  -tudo-,  may  point  to  a  suffix  -tu- 
(Cf.  Pokrowskij,  KZ.  35  [1899],  247;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1892],  333). 


U-STEMS   IN  GREEK 


A.     NOUNS 


i.    nouns  in  -l^j  -v,  gen.  -€0s  (attic  -ewj),  representing  the  original  type  i 

(short  w-stems) 

The  stem-suffix  appears  in  the  three  forms  -v-,  -e/r-,  and  -f-.  The 
last  two  are  followed  by  the  case-endings  of  the  consonant  stems. 
In  its  declension  of  this  type,  Greek  differs  from  the  related  lan- 
guages chiefly  in  its  extension  of  the  strong  form  -ef-  to  cases 
which  have  the  weak  form  in  other  languages.  The  form  -f-,  that 
is,  -U-,  is  confined  to  certain  cases  of  vw,  jovv,  and  86pv.  As 
normal  representatives  of  the  declension  of  this  type  may .  be 
taken  6  irrj'yv'i  and  to  darv. 

The  nom.  sg.  in  -t"?  and  -v  is  parallel  to  the  forms  in  related 
languages  and  calls  for  no  remark. 

In  all  dialects  except  Attic,  so  far  as  there  is  any  evidence,  the 
gen.  sg.  has  -eo<?  from  -e/r-09.  Greek  stands  alone  in  this  form, 
Skt.  -OS,  Goth,  -mis,  Lith.  -dus  pointing  to  an  I.E.  gen.  -eus  or 
-ous  for  ?t-sterns.  The  Attic  -ew?  is  explained  as  due  to  the  influ- 
ence of  7roA,ea)9  from  Homeric  tto'Xt/o?  by  change  of  quantity,  this 
with  7)  after  the  loc.  (dat.)  sg.  iroXijL  (So,  for  example,  Brug., 
Gr.  Gr.'*  224).  It  is  possible  that  the  -eW  of  nouns  in  -ew  had  a 
share  in  making  -eayj  the  regular  Attic  gen.  for  w-stems.  The 
form  ao-reo)?  occurs  without  exception  on  Attic  inscriptions,  e.  g., 
C.I.A.  2,  584  (318-307  B.  C),  C.I.A.  2,  379  (229  B.  C),  etc., 
{a](rT€o^,  Ditt.'  541,  5,  of  421  B.  C.  in  Attic  alphabet  =  aVreftx?). 
Phrynichus  (Lobeck,  245;  Rutherford,  318)  wrongly  gives  the 
gen.  sg.  as  irrj'xeo^  (cf.  K.B.,  §  126,  anm.  7),  but  Photius,  429,  7, 
p.  316,  bids  us  say  7r77%e&)9  not  7r?7%ou9.  Etym.  Mag.  687,  11,  gives 
Trpetr^eft)?,  ir-qx^^'^i  'n-eXeKeco'i  as  Attic,  citing  7rpea^vo<i  apparently 
as  non-Attic.  The  usage  of  later  Atticists  was  not  always  in 
accordance  with  the  evidence  of  the  inscriptions,  Philostratus  and 
Strabo,  for  example,  having  forms  in  -eo9  (Schmid,  Atticismus  IV, 
20,  586,  III,  25).  In  Aesch.  Suppl.  490  at  the  close  of  an  iambic 
line,  most  MSS.  read  acrreof;.     In  Soph.  O.R.  762,  also  at  the  end 

23 


24  HISTORY    OF    li-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

of  a  line,  ao-reo)?  is  read.  But  Euripides  has  undoubted  instances 
where  the  long  vowel  is  demanded,  e.  g.,  El.  246,  Ph.  842.  (K.B., 
§126,  anra.  2).  The  non-Attic  literary  dialects,  Epic,  Ionic, 
Doric,  show  the  gen.  sg.  -eo?.  ^olic  happens  not  to  have  the 
gen.  sg.,  but  has  other  forms  of  the  same  declension.  The  evi- 
dence from  inscriptions  is  scanty  but  decisive  for  the  -eo?  form, 
e.  g.,  Boeotian  [F]daTLo^  S.G.D.I.  491,  3  =  C.I.G.S.  3170,  3, 
with  t  for  €  before  a  vowel ;  cf .  Boeotian  0io<i ;  Cretan  ft'eo?, 
L.G.  VI,  8. 

The  dat.  sg.  is  a  loc.  sg.  in  origin  and  has  -el  (-et)  from  -e/r-t, 
parallel  to  Vedic  -avi  in  simdvi. 

The  ace.  sg.  has  -vv  -v,  parallel  to  the  forms  in  related  lan- 
guages, I.E.  -tim  -u.     For  vlea,  etc.,  see  below  under  vlv<;. 

The  voc.  sg.  in  -v  has  a  parallel  in  Goth,  -w,  Av.  -u,  but  Skt. 
-o,  Lith.  cm,  O.B.  -ii  show  forms  going  back  to  I.E.  -eu  or  -ou. 

The  nom.  pi.  in  -ee?  (-et?)  from  -ef-e?  shows  the  normal  form 
parallel  to  Skt.  -avas,  etc.  The  uncontracted  form  -ee?  seems  to 
have  prevailed  everywhere  except  in  Attic.  For  the  literary  evi- 
dence see  K.B.,  §  127.  The  only  inscriptional  forms  are:  ^Eolic 
irpea/See^,  S.G.D.I.  281,  A33  (333  B.  C);  Acragas  irpea^ee^, 
S.G.D.I.  4254,  11;  Cretan  vlee^,  L.G.  VII,  25,  22;  Delphian 
7rp€cr]/3et<i,  S.G.D.I.  2506,  37  (277  B.  C),  probably  the  kolvi] 
form.     There  is  no  inscriptional  evidence  for  adjectives,  so  far  as 

I  have  noted. 

The  gen.  pi.  in  -ecov  from  -ep-wv  is,  like  the  gen.  sg.,  an  example 
of  the  extension  of  the  strong  form  of  the  suffix  to  weak  cases. 
Herodian  I,  428,  gives  irrj-xewv  and  ireXeKecov  as  Attic.  Photius 
316  says  Tr-qx^f*^^  not  irrjx^v,  as  also  7n]-)(^e(iy;  not  7r?;;^;oL'<?.      C.I. A. 

II  add.  834,  C.  15  (324  B.  C.)  has  -mjx^eov  bis.  The  contracted 
form  7rT]X(t>v  is  late  (cf.  K.B.,  §  126,  anm.  7).  A  Pergamene 
inscription  of  the  time  of  Trajan  shows  tttjx^p. 

The  dat.  [A.  in  -eac  is  n  loc.  pi.  in  origin,  but  with  -ea-t  instead 
of  -va-L  after  the  analogy  of  the  nom. -gen.  pi.  (so  Brugmann,  Gr. 
Gr.'  237).  Homer  has  TreXe'/cecrcrt  (also  Corinna)  with  the  ending 
which  is  so  widespread  in  the  third  declension,  especially  in  the 
.<Eolic  dialects,  and  is  usually  explained  as  an  extension  from 
s-stems  (Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.\  §§  271  and  273,  1;  G.  Meyer,  Gr.  Gr.", 


tt-STEMS    IN    GREEK  25 

§  376;  Smyth,  Ionic  378;  otherwise,  K.B.,  §  118,  10,  anm.  9,  and 
Wackernagel,  I.F.  14  [1903],  373-375). 

In  the  ace.  pi.  Cretan  alone  shows  the  original  ending  -vvi, 
L.G.  IV,  40,  vLvv<;  (of.  Goth,  sununs).  Schulze,  Com.  Phil. 
Gryph.  (1887)  17,  holds  that  Homer  had  an  ace.  pi.  in  -i)?  from 
-vv<;.  In  Homer  TroXeo?,  TroXee?,  TroXecov  are  found  forty-two  times, 
never  sufPering  contraction  or  synizesis  except  in  two  instances, 
in  one  of  which  emendation  is  easy,  while  in  the  other  the  line  is 
considered  spurious.  This  being  true  of  the  gen.  sg.  and  nom.- 
gen.  pi.,  it  is  surprising  that  in  eighteen  occurrences  of  the  ace. 
pi.  of  TToXu?  no  less  than  eight  must  be  read  as  dissyllables.  This 
dissyllabic  form  appears  in  the  MSS.  sometimes  as  iroXeaf  (II.  1, 
559;  II.  2,  4;  Od.  3,  262),  sometimes  as  TroXet?  (II.  15,  66,  etc.), 
and  sometimes  with  variation  between  the  two.  It  is  unlikely 
that  ea  would  contract  more  readily  than  eo  or  ee.  Homer  does 
not  have  the  nom.  pi.  TroXet?,  and  Schulze  first  pointed  out  that  it 
is  unlikely  that  a  nom.  form  -ei?  would  be  employed  as  an  ace. 
before  it  was  in  use  as  a  nom.  We  are  not  justified  in  assuming 
that  TToXea?  contracted  while  TroXee?  did  not,  nor  that  TroXet?  is  to 
be  taken  as  the  correct  form  of  the  dissyllabic  accusatives,  and  as 
a  nom.  pi.  form  used  in  the  accusative. 

Schulze  therefore  concluded  that  Homer  used  a  form  in  -w 
from  -vv<;.  This  view  is  borne  out  by  the  evidence  of  the  related 
languages  and  by  Cretan  vlvv<;,  as  well  as  by  the  reading  ttoXv? 
ascribed  to  Zenodotus  by  the  scholiast  on  II.  2,  4,  and  now 
accepted  by  Fick  and  Christ.  Against  this  view  may  be  urged 
the  direct  statement  of  the  scholiast  [loc.  cit.)  that  the  ace.  pl.  in 
-v<i  is  confined  to  nouns  in  -w  -vo?,  and  the  fact  that  the  sole  tradi- 
tional support  for  -i>9  is  this  reading  of  Zenodotus. 

Wackernagel,  I.F.  14  (1903),  369  f.,  seeks  to  show  that  the 
ace.  pl.  forms  in  -ei<;  are  from  -ew,  which  has  displaced  the  original 
-fw  under  the  influence  of  other  cases  with  e,  just  as  -eat  arose 
for  -vaL  in  the  dat.  pl.  (Brugmann,  Kurze  Gr.  392,  accepts  Wacker- 
nagel's  view  as  probable.)  His  theory  has  the  advantage  of  retain- 
ing the  form  -et?,  which  has  traditional  support,  but  the  weight  of 
this  is  lessened  by  the  fact  that  -et?  can  perfectly  well  be  due  to 
the  Attic  form  familiar  to  the  editor,  while  -w  in  short  f-stems 


26  HIvSTORY    OF    M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

would  get  no  such  support.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  reasonably 
certain  that  the  gen.  sg.  -ef o<?  for  -ei"?  or  -f 09  and  the  gen.  pi.  -ef cdu 
for  -f(ov  arose  in  proethnic  Greek,  probably  also  the  dat.  pi.  -eo-t 
(unfortunately  here  the  Cretan  has  only  the  analogical  vldai),  yet 
these  left  the  accusative  forms  unaffected,  as  the  -vv  of  all  dialects 
and  the  Cretan  vlvv^  show.  The  -ew  could  not  therefore  belong 
to  this  stratum,  and  the  later  dialectic  encroachment  of  e/r  in  the 
accusative  forms  was  accompanied  by  the  consonantal  endings, 
i.  e.,  -e(/r)a,  -€(f)a?.  A  dialectic  substitution  of  -ev^;  for  -vv<i  is 
only  a  degree  more  plausible  than  would  be  an  ace.  sg.  -ev  for  -vv. 

So  far  as  the  Attic  accusative  in  -€i9  is  concerned,  there  is  no 
question  of  priority  to  forbid  its  being  a  nominative  form  used  as 
an  accusative,  for,  as  far  as  we  know,  Attic  had  nom.  pi.  -et?  from 
the  earliest  historical  period.  There  are  parallels  to  this  usage 
elsewhere,  e.  g.,  the  nom.  pi.  of  the  Latin  fourth  declension  in  -lis 
is  best  taken  as  an  accusative  form  (so  Lindsay,  L.L.  398;  Brug., 
Kurze  Gr.  391),  and  the  "contracted"  nom.  pi.  of  the  -y?,  -uo? 
declension  is  an  accusative  form  (Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  266),  and  the 
fact  that  Attic  does  not  have  -e?  for  -a?  (see  Wackernagel)  is  not 
a  serious  objection. 

The  forms  in  -ea?  in  use  in  Homer  and  Herodotus  are  further 
examples  of  the  extension  of  the  strong  form  of  the  suffix  -e/r-  and 
the  consequent  adding  of  the  consonant  ending  -a?. 

The  nom. -ace.  pi.  neuter  in  -ea,  from  -ef-a,  has  the  a  of  the 
cons,  stems  (see  above,  p.  8).  The  Attic  -77  is  after  the  analogy 
of  the  s-stems,  Wackernagel,  K.Z.  25  (1881),  272.  Pindar, 
Nem.  10,  5,  has  aa-Tr),  Bacchylides  13,  155,  darea.  C.I.G.  Ins. 
I,  3,  202  (metrical,  third  or  fourth  century  B.  C.)  has  da-Tea. 
The  peculiar  form  aiaTea  occurs  B.C.H.  24  (1900),  71,  in  a 
metrical  inscription  from  Boeotia  of  the  third  century  B.  C.  For 
the  t  see  Solmsen,  Rh.M.  58  (1903),  614. 

The  dual  nom. -ace.  in  -ee  (Attic  -ei)  from  -ef-e,  has  the  usual 
-€  of  the  Greek  nom. -ace.  dual.  On  this  -e  see  Brug.,  Gr,  Gr.^ 
231;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  381;  J.  Schmidt,  K.Z.  27 
(1885),  292.  Herodian  II,  324,  says  that  the  nominative  of  the 
dual  in  the  orators  is  rtu  irpea-^r],  from  Trpea^vi,  TrpeV/Seo?,  but 
that  tbe  form   irpea^r]  in   Aristophanes    (Fr.  495,  Dd.)    is  from 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  27 

Trpea^ev^,  tov  irpea^eo^.  The  dual  rtw  irpia^et  occurs  on  an  inscrip- 
tion of  Carpathus,  Ditt/  69,  45  and  56  =  C.I.G.  Ins.  I,  977  (fourth 
century  B.C. ) ,  &>  and  r)  are  on  the  stone,  but  e  is  used  for  a.  So 
the  Attic  vlel  (written  hvce)  occurs  on  an  inscription,  C.I.A.  iv, 
418,  9  (before  418  B.  C).  Kirchhoff  transcribes  utr),  but  cf. 
Meisterhans^  footnote,  1205. 

The  dual  gen.-dat.  -eoLv  from  -ep-ocv  has  the  usual  ending 
added  to  the  strong  form  of  the  suffix.  For  the  -oiv  see  Brug., 
Gr.  Gr.'  232,  with  the  literature  cited. 

So  far  as  there  is  any  evidence,  it  has  been  shown  that  the 
type  -1/9  -V,  -eo?  extends  throughout  the  dialects.  This  is  in  strik- 
ing contrast  to  the  i-stems,  which,  outside  of  Attic-Ionic,  and  in 
Ionic  also  in  large  measure,  have  the  declension  of  the  t-  lY-stems, 
gen.  -to9,  nom.  pi.  -te9.  Most  short  M-stems  have  gone  over  to  the 
declension  of  the  long  iZ-stems  in  Greek,  but  in  the  few  substan- 
tives where  the  short  it-declension  has  been  preserved  it  is  found 
not  merely  in  Attic  or  Attic-Ionic,  but  also  in  other  dialects. 

The  only  nouns  in  Greek  declined  according  to  this  type  are: 
rj  e7%eXi;9,  o  7reXe/cu9,  6  Trrfx^^i,  6  irpea-^vi,  6  vlv<i,  and  the  neuters 
aarv,  ttwu,  aSypv,  and  perhaps  /xicri/.  Like  these  are  declined  the 
adjective  compounds  with  TreXe/cw,  ttt/^w,  or  TrpeV/Sw  as  final 
member.  See  below,  p.  62.  Wackernagel,  K.Z.  25  (1881),  272, 
assumes  a  form  *8€v8pv-  to  account  for  SevSprj,  etc.,  but  there 
seems  to  be  no  reason  why  these  should  not  be  from  SevSpo^;  as 
usually  taken.  For  70^1;  and  Sopv.  which  belong  more  closely 
with  this  type  than  with  any  other,  but  which  do  not  conform  to 
it  as  a  whole,  see  below,  pp.  35  f.  Homer  has  a  pi.  K(oea^  Kcoeai 
from  which  Schmidt,  editor  of  Hesychius,  s.  v.  tcvvvinafia^  infers 
a  sg.  icSiv  like  irSiv  to  pi.  7r<wea,  but  the  sg.  /ca)a9  is  found  in  Homer, 
and  from  this  the  /ctoea  is  usually  taken. 

e7%e\i;9  varies  in  declension,  having  forms  of  the  -w  -f09  type, 
especially  in  the  plural.  Homer  has  only  the  pi.  e7%eXue9. 
Archilochus  has  e7%eXua9.  According  to  gryphon  in  Athenseus 
7,  299,  chap.  54,  Attic  declined  the  singular  like  tttJ^w  -eft)9,  but 
the  plural  like  nouns  in  -w  -vo^.  So  also  ^lius  Dionys.  ap. 
Eustath.  1231,  35  =  ed.  Schwabe  72  and  150,  15.  Aristophanes 
has   e7%eXei9,   e7%eXea)v,   and    eV^eXeo-ti'.      According    to    Bonitz' 


28  HISTORY    OF    if-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

Index,  Aristotle  uses  the  nom.  sg.  eyx^^v;,  the  gen.  sg,  e7%eA,6a)9 
and  e7;^e\i;o9,  nom.  pi.  e7%eXi;9,  e7;;^eX,ue9,  iyx^Xei,<i  (once  v.  1.  -iSe?), 
gen.  pi.  -vMv,  -icov,  -ewv^  dat.  pi.  -ucri,  -eo-t.  The  grammarians  are 
inclined  to  take  the  forms  lyxiXew^  ey")(i\e(iiv  from  a  nom.  sg. 
e7;T^eXt9.  So  Bekker,  A.G.  1366.  For  the  usage  in  other  writers 
see  especially  Thesaurus,  s.  v.,  and  also  K.B.,  §  126,  anm.  3,  441. 

ireXeKVi  has  the  dat.  pi.  ireXeKvaL  in  ^lian  H.A.  xvii,  44,  but 
in  xiv,  29  the  regular  ireXeKeat.  Hesychius,  s.  v.  'EretXeTj  has 
TreXmvo^  (cf.  Lobeck,  Phryn.  246). 

The  grammarians  mention  forms  in  -uo?  from  7rpecr^v<;  and  take 
the  gen.  TrpecrySetu?  from  irpea-^i,';.  So  Etym.  Mag.  687,  11,  irpea- 
/St?  ....  CLTTO  Tov  TTpda^L'i  TTpeo-ySio?,  7rpea^e€<;  irpea^ei'i  .... 
KXiveraL  ro  Trpecr^v^  irpea^vo'i  koI  7rp€a^€co<i  'ATTLK(o<i'  koI  ecrri 
rpiTOv  fiera  joiv  'jrrj-)(eo}^  koX  ireXeKew^i  crearjfieKOfxeviov.  Choero- 
boscus  234,  23  =  Bekker,  A.G.  1413  =  Gram.  Gr^ci,  iv,  1,  233,  6, 
says  the  feminine  is  17  Trpea^v;  t^?  irpea^vo'^  and  the  masculine  in 
Doric  is  irpecryv;  irpea-yvo'i,  and  that  irpea^L^i  irpea^ea^  means 
"ambassador,"  while  irpea/Bvi  means  yepcov.  Cf.  also  schol.  Arist. 
Ach.  93.  ChcEroboscus  ap.  Hdn.  ii,  707,  cites  a  voc.  TrpeajBu^  and 
an  ace.  irpea^iv. 

The  gen.  sg.  of  vlv^  is  given  as  utVo?  not  vteW.  See  below, 
p.  32. 

Of  the  neuters,  aaTu  is  the  only  one  in  frequent  use. 

TTOiv  is  found  only  in  Homer  and  Hesiod,  in  Homer  only  in  the 
forms  TTWu,  7r(i)ea,  ircoeat,  in  Hesiod  only  Trcoea.  The  grammarian 
in  Cramer,  Anecd.  Ox.  3,  255,  says  to  ttmv  is  declined  like  neOv, 
TTcov  TTcouo?  TTcovc,  and  that  the  poet  (Homer)  made  the  pi.  Trcoea 
from  another  sg.  ttcoo?  just  as  he  had  Accoa?  and  pi.  Kotea. 

The  word  aojpv  has  the  gen.  crcopeco^  in  Diosc.  5,  119,  and  in 
the  Hii)piatrica  (an  anonymous  work  of  the  Middle  Ages  on 
medicine),  but  Pliny  34,  29,  has  soryos.  The  Thesaurus  says 
the  genitive  should  be  corrected  to  acopvo'i  (which  Pliny  has),  or 
the  nominative  should  be  taken  as  a-copi.  The  gen.  soreos  is 
found  in  Celsus  6,  9.  aMpt  is  found  in  Democritus.  Galen  has 
the  word  frequently,  but  always  in  the  form  a-topv. 

L.  and  S.  s.  v.,  and  K.B.,  §  126,  give  /J-ia-v  as  belonging  to  the 
same  declension  as  daTv,  thoujjh  also  with  the  sren.  -1/09.     The 


M-STEMS    IN    GREEK  29 

Thesaurus  does  not  give  the  genitive  in  -ea)?  at  all,  but  thinks  on 
the  basis  of  the  Latin  use  of  the  word  that  it  may  have  been  used 
as  an  indeclinable,  when  not  declined  in  -v  -uo?.  None  of  the 
references  in  L.  and  S.  or  in  the  Thesaurus,  so  far  as  I  know,  has 
the  genitive  in  -e&)9,  and  K.B.  give  no  references.  Lobeck,  Phryn. 
288,  in  commenting  on  crivrjTn  (nvrjireu)';  and  crivairv  crLvdirvo^  says: 
"sic  Tov  ^pddvo<i  Jul.  Afric.  Cest.  16,  294.  rov  /xiavo<i  et  rov  fiiaeax^ 
apud  materiae  medicae  scriptores,  itemque  (rep€(o<i  et  o-topecD?."  In 
his  index  Lobeck  gives  the  reference  to  fiiaeo)';  under  fiCai  not  iilav. 
Certain  it  is  that  such  words  (mostly  of  foreign  origin)  for  plants, 
metals,  and  medicines  were  greatly  confused  among  the  late  writers. 
So  Phrynichus,  loo.  cit.  supra,  tells  us  not  to  say  aivain,  but  vuttv, 
and  the  declension  varied  as  given  above.  At  any  rate,  the  gen. 
Hi(rvo<;  is  by  far  the  most  frequent,  if  that  in  -eox?  occurs  at  all.  I 
have  found  the  form  in  -vo?  in  the  following::  Diosc.  5,  117 ;  Celsus 
5,  19,  §8;  Galen  (ed.  Kuhn),  Vol.  XIX,  p.  736  bis;  Hippocrates 
(ed.  Littr6)  vi,  422,  in  two  MSS.,  others  having  fiva-LO'i,  vii,  354, 
with  no  V.  1.,  vii,  414,  §  98,  one  MS.  having  fxiav,  viii,  170,  §  76, 
with  no  V.  1. 

In  modern  Greek  no  distinction  exists  between  the  declensions  of 
original  short  tt-stems  and  original  long  w-stems,  both  having  been 
merged  with  stems  the  vowel  of  whose  final  syllable,  rj  or  t,  had  become 
identical  in  pronunciation  with  v.  See  Hatzidakis,  Neugr.  Gram.  380; 
Jannaris,  Hist.  Grk.  Gr.,  §§  389,  390,  398,  399;  Thumb,  Neugi-.  Volks- 
sprache  36,  §  70,  2. 

y/v?.'  Exclusive  of  the  o-stem  forms,  viv<;  presents  the  follow- 
ing: Nom.  sg.:  vlw  Lac.  S.G.D.I.  4402  =  Cauer  4  =  I.G.A.  54, 
the  only  example  of  the  stem  viv-  in  Laconian  (Boisacq,  Dial. 
Dor.  145),  Cretan  L.G.  ix,  40,  vlvi'i  mistake  for  vlv^  L.G.  xii,  17; 
vihw  Attic  vase,  Klein,  Gr.  Vasen  72  =  C.I.G.  8202,  and  vlh<; 
Klein,  72  =  C.I.G.  8203,  mistake  for  vlhv'; ;  uu?,  Attic,  C.I. A.  iv, 

1  Miller,  M61anges  (1868)  291;  Baunack,  Curt.  Stud.  10  (1878),  88  f. ;  Nauck,  M61anges 
(1875-1880)  iv,  102;  Hartel,  Zeitsch.  f.  Ost.  G.  27  (1876),  628;  Wackernagel,  K.Z.  25  (1881),  291; 
Osthoff,  M.U.  iv  (1881),  185  adn.  2;  Bergk,  Poetae  Melici  (1882)  534;  Baunack,  Inschr.  v.  Gort. 
71  (1885);  Schulze,  Com.  Phil.  Gryph.  20  ff.  (1887);  Kretschme?!-,  K.Z.  29  (1888),  470  f.,  Vasen 
Inschr.  187  (1894) ;  Allen,  Papers  of  Am.  School  at  Athens  iv  (1888),  71  f. ;  Delbruck,  Die  Indo- 
germ.Verwandtschaftsnamen  455(1889);  Kahner-Blass,Gr.Gr.  (1890)  138;  La  Roche,  BeitrSge 
zur  gr.  Gram.  1  (1893),  22211.,  especially  valuable  for  review  of  forms,  Homerische  Unters. 
46;  Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  299  f.,  12  182,  270  f..  Gr.  Gr.3,  §§  14,  29, 183;  Meisterhans,  Att.  Inschr.3  144 
(1900);  Herwerden,  Lexicon  suppl.  et  dial.  s.  v.  (1902);  Ehrlich,  K.Z.  38  (1902),  89.  In  the 
following  pages  on  uiu?  the  abbreviation  loc.  cit.  will  refer  to  the  works  here  cited. 


30  HISTORY    OF    tt-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

1,  h,  373,  107,  metrical  sixth  century  B.  C.  (C.I. A.  i,  398,  is 
usually  taken  as  metrical,  and  if  so  seems  to  have  the  first  syllable 
short,  Usener,  altgr.  Versbau  30.  But  cf.  Baunack,  Inschr.  v. 
Gort.  71;  Allen,  loc.  cit.,  55,  71;  Ehrlich,  loc.  cit.,  who  read  it 
vv^  as  one  long  syllable.  Meisterhans,  loc.  cit.,  suggests  that  it 
may  be  a  prose  inscription) ;  y?  Attic,  C.I. A.  iv,  1,  b,  373,  94, 
metrical  sixth  century  B.  C. ;  m<;  hypothetical  form,  a  figment 
of  the  grammarian,  Etym.  Mag.  553,  15;  cf.  775,  20;  m?  or  vh 
attributed  to  Simonides,  see  Bergk,  loc.  cit.,  Miller,  loc.  cit. 

Gen.  sg. :  vlo<i  Homer.  Whether  Thessalian  HYIO^  of  the 
Sotairos  inscription  belongs  here  (/ii/to?)  or  is  to  be  understood 
as  hvto<;,  gen.  sg.  of  vt<f,  is  still  uncertain.  See  Solmsen,  Inscr. 
Graecae  ad  inlustr.  Dialectos  sel.  21,  footnote  10,  with  literature 
cited;  mVo?  Homer,  Cretan,  L.G.  vi,  3,  Attic  MSS.,  see  La  Roche, 
loc.  cit.,  223;  ueo?  Attic,  C.I. A.  ii,  1513  (400-350  B.  C);  vlem 
called  pseudattic  by  Phrynichus  (Lobeck,  68;  Ruth.  141),  see 
La  Roche,  loc.  cit.,  223;  utr)o9  Attic  metrical,  time  of  Empire, 
C.I.A.  iii,  914,  1. 

Dat.  sg. :  vli  Homer,  Hesiod ;  vlel  Homer,  Hesiod ;  viet  Homeric 
doubtful  (see  K.B.,  §435),  Argive,  S.G.D.L  3297,  2,  prose,  time 
of  Empire,  Attic,  S. G.D.I.  1597,  4,  from  Dodona,  but  in  Attic 
dialect,  stone  has  NIEI,  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche,  loc.  cit.,  224, 
Elatea,  metrical,  third  or  fourth  century  B.  C.  in  B.C.H.  10  (1886), 
367 ;  virjt  late  Epic. 

Ace.  sg.:  vivv  Arcad.  S.G.D.I.  1183,  Cretan,  L.G.  vi,  12,  x,  15; 
via  Homer,  iEnianian,  S.G.D.I.  1438,6,  metrical,  Locrian,  S.G.D.I. 
1500,  time  of  ^Etolian  League,  Bithynian,  B.C.H.  24  (1900),  381, 
8,  metrical,  third  century  B.  C,  Thasos,  Chios,  etc.,  metrical 
inscriptions;  viea  Homer,  only  II.  13,  350,  various  later  poets,  see 
La  Roche,  loc.  cit.,  223,  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3,  819,  metrical,  second 
century  B.  C,  Inschr.  v.  Olymp.,  footnote  184,  third  century  B.  C. 
Rev.  t.t.  Grecq.  15  (1902),  331,  metrical  from  Pontus,  B.C.H.  24 
(1900),  381,  16,  metrical  from  Bithynia,  third  century  B.  C, 
same  inscription  has  via,  Phrynichus  (Lobeck  68)  and  Thomas 
Magister,  367,  disapprove  the  form,  though  Dio  Chrys.  uses  it, 
i,  261,  28  (Schmid,  Attic,  i,  8()) ;  viija  late  Epic  (Nicander 
Frag.  110). 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  31 

Nom.  pi.:  vte<?  Homer;  vi€€<;  Homer,  Hesiod,  Pindar  Is.  7,  25, 
Cretan,  L.Q.  vii,  25,  22;  vlel^  Homer,  Od.  15,  248,  24,  497  (here 
vlee<i  Naiick),  Hesiod  Frag.  70,  3  (130  K),  136  (68  K)  (mVe? 
Nauck),  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche,  loc.  cit,  224;  vel^  Attic,  C.I. A. 
i,  61,  14  (409  B.  C),  Corpus  (Kohler)  transcribes  vrj<;,  Meister- 
hans,  loc.  cit.,  uet? ;  vlrj€<;  late  Epic. 

Voc.  pi.:  vlek  Homer,  II.  5,  464  (ute?  Nauck). 

Gen.  pl. :  vlwv  Homer  (Plato,  Demosthenes,  Pindar,  Quintus 
of  Smyrna;  see  La  Roche,  loc.  cit,  225).  This  form  could,  of 
course,  belong  either  with  vie?  or  vtoi,  but  is  preferably  taken 
with  vi€<i.  Cf.  Wackernagel,  loc.  cit,  290,  who  makes  vipatv 
parallel  to  Av.  j^f^t-^vdm;  vlemv  Pindar,  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche, 
loc.  cit.,  225,  Protagoras,  Smyth,  Ionic  398;  vlr^wv,  Anth.  Pal. 
viii,  118,  5. 

Dat.  pl. :  vldai  Homer,  Cretan,  L.G.  iv,  37,  Soph.  Antig.  571, 
V.  1.  vlidL',  vlecTi  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche,  loc.  cit,  225;  veeaat,  prose 
inscription  from  Syracuse,  Inscr.  Sic.  et  It.  10  =:S. G.D.I.  3235, 
where  Blass  reads  (T)e(Xe)o-t;  vl^eaaiv  late  Epic,  La  Roche, 
loc.  cit.,  226. 

Ace.  pl.:  vlvv^  Cretan,  L.G.  iv,  40,  Argive,  J.H.S.  13  (1892- 
93),  128,  n.  61,  on  a  fragment  from  the  Acropolis  (Meyer,  Gr. 
Gr.^^  461) ;  via?  Homer;  met?  Attic  C.I. A.  iii,  167,  5  (143  A.  D.), 
archaizing  incription,  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche,  loc.  cit.,  225;  vek 
Attic,  C.LA.,  ii,  51,  11,  19,  27,  30  (369  B.  C.)  =  Ditt.'  89,  C.LA. 
ii,  add.  i,  b,  37,  393  =  Ditt.'  57,  YE^  (403  B.  C);  mVa?  Homer, 
Hesiod,  Herodotus,  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3,  1189,  4,  metrical;  ui^a? 
late  Epic. 

Nom.-acc.  dual:  ule  Homer,  Hesiod;  mVe  Attic  MSS.,  La  Roche, 
loc.  cit.,  224;  vlel  Attic,  C.LA.  iv,  418,  9  (before  418  B.  C),  stone 
HYIE.  Kirchhoff  transcribes  vli],  but  cf.  Meisterhans^  footnote 
1205. 

Of  the  nom.  sg,  forms  given,  f/t?  is  a  fiction  of  the  grammarian, 
and  vk  attributed  to  Simonides  by  the  Florentine  Etym.  Mag.  is 
rejected  by  Herodian.  The  other  forms  are  from  the  w-stem 
proper. 

In  the  gen.  sg.  vlo<i^  is  without  doubt  from  *vlfo^  parallel  to 

1  The  analogy  of  other  words  and  other  languages  points  to  the  accent  uios  v'U  in  the 
gen.-dat.  sg.  as  suggested  by  Wackernagel,  loc.  cit.,  290.    Schulze  adopts  Wackernagel's 


32  HISTORY    OF    H-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

yovvo^  Sovp6<i,  from  *'yovp6^  *Sopp6^.  The  forms  fiVo?,  veo^  are 
like  Trr}')(eo^.  The  form  uteW  is  branded  as  pseudattic  by  Phryni- 
chiis,  and  Thomas  Magister,  367  (ed.  Ritschl),  bids  us  write  ytVo? 
with  an  omicron.  Further  Etym.  Mag.  775,  20  says  the  Athen- 
ians wrote  vleo^  with  o  not  w.  The  evidence  of  Attic  inscriptions 
is  confined  to  one  example,  C.I.A.  ii,  1513,  with  mVo?.  The  date 
is  fixed  between  400  and  850  B.  C,  so  that  it  would  have  had 
uiVft)?,  had  this  been  the  Attic  form.  The  spelling  vteo)?  is,  how- 
ever, fairly  frequent  in  the  MSS.  of  Attic  writers  (cf.  Lobeck, 
Phryn.  68  fP.).  vlrjoi;  is  a  late  metrical  form  developed  no  doubt 
through  confusion  with  nouns  in  -ev?. 

Of  the  other  forms  cited  all  agree  with  the  corresponding  forms 
of  the  regular  declension  as  given  above  except  the  following: 

(1)  Forms  with  the  sufiix  grade  -f  -  and  the  consonantal  endings, 
like  the  gen.  ylo?,  discussed  above;  dat.  sg.  fit,  ace.  sg.  vla^  nom, 
pi.  wle?,  gen.  pi.  vlwv  (see  above  under  forms),  ace.  pi.  via?,  nom.- 
acc.  dual  vh. 

Kiihner-Blass,  §  138,  507,  give  the  dat.  pi.  viao-t  as  parallel  to  the 
gen.  sg.  vTos,  nom.  pi.  vies,  etc.  (so  also  La  Roche,  loc.  cit.,  223),  but  in 
that  case  the  dat.  pi.  Trrjx^at  should  be  explained  in  the  same  way.  The 
form  vldcTL  has  been  explained  from  the  time  of  Eustathius  (1348,  27)  to 
the  present  (Wackernagel,  K.Z.  25  [1881],  289;  Bloomfield,  A.J.P.  12 
[1891  J,  24;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  29  [1888],  470)  as  having  its  a  from  the 
analogy  of  other  uouus  of  relation.ship  iraTpdai,  etc.  vidai  is  for  vUa-i, 
and  this  for  *ulucri  as  exi)lained  above  under  the  dat.  pi.  Ktihner-Blass, 
§  118,  417,  miss  the  point  of  the  syllabic  liquid  in  iraTpdcn,  etc. 

(2)  A  series  of  late  epic  forms  made  mainly  after  the  analogy 
of  nouns  in  -ew,  like  the  gen.  sg.  ut'r}o9  cited  above;  dat.  sg.  vlrjl, 
ace.  sg.  uf'rya,  nom.  |>1.  ft^e?,  dat.  pi.  vi-qea-cnv,  ace.  pi.  i/if/a?  (cf. 
La  Roche,  loc.  at.,  225  f.). 

(3)  The  ace.  sg.  vle'a,  an  extension  of  the  strong  grade  -e/r- 
with  the  consequent  use  of  consonantal  -a.  Homer  has  such  a 
form  also  in  the  ace.  sg.  of  the  adjective,  e.  g.,  evpea  irovrov.  The 
ace.  pi.  vlvi^  has  been  sufficiently  discussed  above  under  the 
ace.  pi. 

sngRestion  and  writes  ut<k,  vii.  Cf.  DanielssoD,  Eranos  1  (1896),  1.39,  footnote.  But  it  is  hard 
to  Kct  around  the  direct  statomont  of  Hcrodinn  ii,  fil  I,  315,  that  the  gen.  vlos  is  proporispom- 
enon,  though  he  is,  to  bo  sure,  in  error  in  regiirding  it  as  from  a  nom.  ulis  (not  extant). 
Cf.  Ktym.  MaK.  77.">,  20.  It  would  seem  that  the  coexistence  of  a  nom.  uio?  and  gen.  uids  would 
prove  so  c<»nfusing  as  to  h-ad  to  a  difference  in  accent  for  the  sake  of  distinctness. 


?t-STEMS    IN    GREEK  33 

In  Homer  the  o-stem  forms,  nom.  eg.  vi6<;,  ace.  sg.  vlov,  voc. 
sg.  vie,  are  frequent.  The  gen.  sg.  viov  occurs  once,  Od.  22,  238, 
the  dat.  pi.  vlolai  once,  Od.  19,  418,  while  vlov<;,  II.  5,  159,  is 
universally  rejected  as  a  false  reading.  K.-B.  give  vlcov  as  from 
the  stem  ulo-,  but  this  is  an  unnecessary  assumption;  see  above 
under  forms.  The  passages  with  vlov  and  violai  are  suspected  of 
being  late  additions,  cf.  Schulze,  loc.  cit.,  25.  If  these  are  set 
aside  we  have  left  in  Homer  only  the  nom.,  ace,  and  voc.  sg.  of 
the  o-stem,  these  having  in  distinction  from  other  forms  of  viv<; 
the  initial  syllable  as  syllaba  anceps.  Even  these  are  rejected 
by  Nauck,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  also  Hartel,  loc.  cit.  Judging  from 
Homeric  conditions  just  expressed,  o-stem  forms  were  substituted 
for  w-stem  forms  in  just  those  cases  which  have  vlv-.  This  can 
hardly  be  accidental,  though  a  purely  phonetic  dissimilation 
(OsthofP,  loc.  cit)  is  altogether  unlikely.  The  evidence  of 
inscriptions,  especially  Cretan  and  Attic,  makes  it  plain  that  the 
M-stem  form  of  the  word  was  earlier  than  the  o-stem.  (Cf. 
Meisterhans^  144;  Schulze,  loc.  cit.,  25;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  29 
[1888J,  471;  Baunack,  Inschr.  v.  Gort.  71;  otherwise  Ehrlich, 
loc.  cit.,  90.)  Just  how  the  o-stem  form  arose  is  not  determined. 
Schulze,  loc.  cit.,  takes  the  gen.  pi.  vImv  as  the  starting-point 
since  this  form  has  the  appearance  of  a  gen.  pi.  to  vl6<i.  (For  an 
ancient  view  see  Etym.  Mag.  775,  20  and  558,  15.)  In  Attic  the 
o-stem  form  completely  displaced  the  w-stem  form  by  about 
350  B.  C. 

The  suffix  is  clearly  -iu-,  and  the  root  the  same  as  in  Skt. 
SU7111-,  etc.,  p.  16.  The  only  question  is  as  to  the  precise  form  of 
the  root.  Kretschmer,  Vaseninschriften  187,  suggested  that  vlik 
was  from  *avp-Lv-^,  and  Ehrlich,  loc.  cit.,  gives  an  elaborate  explana- 
tion of  all  the  case-forms  on  the  basis  of  nom.  *suuii(s,  gen. 
*suuiuos.  But  such  a  formation  as  *suu-i-u-  is  in  itself  improb- 
able, and  it  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  one  will  accept  it,  unless  it  is 
impossible  to  derive  the  Greek  form  from  a  *su-iu-  or  *sii-iu-. 
But  this  is  not  the  case.  How  the  forms  can  be  derived  from 
*suiu-  has  been  shown,  in  the  main  convincingly,  by  Schulze,  loc. 
cit.,  20  ff.  He  rightly  assumes  (since  t  between  v  and  a  following 
vowel  was  lost  in  all  dialects  but  Lesbian)  that,  e.  g.,  nom.  sg. 


34  HISTORY    OF    Zt-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

*su-iii-s  became  vv<;,  while  gen.  sg.  *su-iu-os  became  vip6<;  yto? 
(for  accent  see  above,  p.  31,  footnote),  nom.  pi.  *su-ieues  became 
vef€<i,  ue'e?,  while  gen.  pi.  *sii-iu-dm  became  vlfcov,  vloiv.  He 
accounts  for  the  extant  forms  of  the  developed  paradigm  by 
assuming  leveling,  strong  forms  passing,  e.  g.,  from  the  nom.  pi. 
to  the  gen.  sg.  and,  vice  versa,  weak  forms  entering  strong  cases 
as  fte?  in  nom.  pi.,  while  the  vi  strictly  belonging  by  phonetic 
development  to  the  gen.-dat.  sg.,  etc.,  displaced  the  v-  of  the 
nom. -ace.  sg.,  etc.,  so  that  vlis,  vivv,  arose  beside  gen.  sg.  uto?, 
etc.  For  such  forms  as  gen.  sg.  utVo?  we  must  assume  not  only 
the  influence  of  strong  forms  like  nom.  pi,  wtVe?  as  given  by 
Schulze,  but  also,  as  I  think,  that  of  the  regular  endings  -co?  -et 
of  the  ordinary  ?t-stems. 

Brugmann  still  holds  (Gr.  Gr.',  §14;  Kurze  Gr.  92)  that  t 
after  v  and  before  a  vowel  is  regularly  preserved.  But  vlw  would 
be  the  only  example  of  the  retention  of  an  original  intervocalic  i, 
except  in  Lesbian,  and  Schulze's  explanation  of  the  vi-  in  viv<i  as 
due  to  leveling  from  cases  where  vi-  came  before  -f-  is  much  to 
be  preferred. 

On  the  assumption  that  vlv'i  owes  its  t  to  restoration,  Schulze 
explains  the  short  initial  syllable  of  Homeric  nom.  sg.  vl6<i,  ace. 
sg.  vlov,  voc.  sg.  vie  by  supposing  that  these  forms  stand  in  the 
place  of  original  Homeric  vlv<;,  vivv,  vlv,  and  that  the  latter  have 

r  t  r 

retained  the  quantity  of  the  still  earlier  uu<>,  vvv,  ijv  from  sii-iil-s, 
etc.  At  any  rate,  it  is  clear  that  the  situation  is  different  in  I'tu?, 
with  no  consonant  after  the  ut-,  from  that  in  vlo'?,  vlfo<i  (cf.  Brug., 
Gr.  Gr.*,  §14).  On  the  other  hand,  Attic  has  y(t)o9,  nom.  sg. 
(Allen,  loc.  cit.,  71)  from  a  form  with  restored  t  and  secondary 
loss,  like  -va  ivom  -via  in  the  participle  (Meisterhans*,  59). 
Leaving  out  of  account  the  question  of  quantity,  the  belief  that 
such  forms  as  vlis  owe  their  c  to  the  analogy  of  other  cases 
receives  confirmation  from  the  situation  in  Attic,  where,  when 
the  forms  of  the  cons.  decl.  vlo';,  etc.,  were  no  longer  in  use,  the  t 
did  drop  out  just  as  we  should  have  expected  it  to  do  earlier,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  "Systemzwang"  of  the  other  forms. 

Inasmuch  as  -iu-  is  not  found  as  the  suflBx  for  this  word  in  any  other 
language,  and  is  rare  anywhere,  the  view  of  Bezzeuberger  cited  with 


M-STEMS    IN    GREEK  35 

approval  by  Delbnick,  loc.  cit.,  is  not  without  attractiveness.  It  is  that 
vtvs  utos  was  a  "Koseform"  to  *vvus  like  fuita  to  fjiyjrrjp  and  Lith.  seja 
to  sesli  "  sister."  There  are  no  parallels,  so  far  as  I  know,  for  such  short- 
forms  with  suffix  -m-,  but  the  suffix  -to-  is  fairly  frequent  in  Greek  in 
"  Kosenamen."    Cf .  Fick-BechteP,  24  f . 

In  what  precedes  there  has  been  no  attempt  to  explain  why 
vlvf  should  have  forms  in  -f-  with  consonant  endings,  while  other 
M-stems  (except  ^yovu  and  86pv)  should  not.  Wackernagel,  loc.  cit., 
290,  suggests  that  gen,  pi.  vlfwv  (cf.  Av.  pasvdm,  etc.)  kept  its 
form  against  the  encroachment  of  -efwv  through  its  similarity  to 
TTUTpMv,  and  that  after  Ovyarpo^,  etc.,  were  formed  vlfof,  vlfL,  etc. 
Weight  is  added  to  this  view  by  the  fact  that  vldaL  is  plainly 
after  Trarpdat,  etc. 

jovv  and  86pv.^  Homer  has  the  gen.  sg.  'yovv6<;,  Bovp6<;  from 
''^yovfo'i  *So/3/ro<?  like  the  gen.  sg.  vlo<i.  That  this  gen.  sg.  in  -uos 
is  an  I.E.  type  (beside  -ens)  is  apparent  from  Vedic  pagvds,  Av. 
Xradwo,  and  the  Greek  forms.  It  is  entirely  distinct  from  the 
gen.  in  -uuos  as  in  yevvo<i,  which  is  properly  the  ending  of  iZ-stems. 
Cf.  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  465;  Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  577. 
The  form  8op6<;  of  Attic  tragedy  represents  the  Attic  development 
of  *So/Ofo'?.  Beside  *8opf6'i  arose  *B6pfaT0<;  under  the  influence 
of  the  extensive  neuter  type  in  -a,  -aro'i  (originally  7i-stem ;  see 
Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  §  212,  3,  4),  whence  SovpuTO';  and  86paTo<;  accord- 
ing to  the  dialectic  treatment  of  -pp-,  -vp-.  In  the  same  way  arose 
yovvaro^  and  j6vaT0<i.  Herodian,  ii,  940,  15,  cites  also  a  gen.  sg. 
86p€o<;. 

Other  forms  which  show  the  suffix  grade  -f-  are:  nom.-acc.  pi. 
TFaoWc,  yovva,  yova,  Hom.  yovva,  Hom.  8ovpa  ;  Hom.  dual  nom.- 
acc.  8ovpe ;  gen.  pi.  yovtov  for  yovvcov  ^olic  (Sappho  44),  Hom. 
8ovpcov;  dat.  sg.  Hom.,  Pindar  8ovp{,  Pindar,  Tragedy  8opi;  the 
last  form  is  also  used  in  prose  in  military  expressions. 

The  dat.  sg.  86pet,  in  the  Tragedians,  and  the  nom.-acc.  pi.  86pr} 
in  Eurip.  Rhes.  274  are  forms  of  the  acrru  declension.  Cf.  the 
gen.  86p€o<i  given  by  Herodian.  *■ 

Inscriptional  forms  are:  gen.  sg.  86paT0<;  Argive  (Epidaurus), 
S.G.D.I.  3340  (third  century  B.  C.)  =  Ditt.'"'  803,  64,  8o>aT[o9] 
Delphian,  S.G.D.I.  2501,  30  (380  B.  C.)  =  Cauer  204,  30,  8op6^ 

1  For  a  citation  of  forms  see  K.B.,  §  130,  457  f. 


36  HISTORY    OF   W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

Thebes,  metrical,  C.I.G.S.  4247;  dat.  sg.  Soparc  Kern,  Inschr.  v. 
Magn.  105,  106,  Sopart  Late  Cretan,  Ditt.'  929,  134  =  Mus.  Ital. 
iii,  570,  n.  3,  Sopart,  Ditt.'  368,  10  =  Inscr.  Cos  223,  n.  345,  86paTt 
^tolian,  Ditt.'  333,  3  =  S.G.D.I.   1418,  Sopt  Locrian,  metrical, 
S.G.D.I.  1501;  gen.  pi.  yovdrcov  Epidaurus,  S.G.D.I.  3340,  111 
=  Ditt.'  803,  111  (third  century  B.  C?) ;  dat.  pi.  ryovdreaat  Kaibel 
Ep.  Gr.  782,  Sopdreaaiv  Boeotian,  metrical,  B.C.H.  24  (1900) ,  70. 
For  a  list  of  cognates  see  above,  p.  13.     For  further  etymo- 
logical connections  with  Sopv  see  H.  L.  Ahrens,  "SpO?  und  seine 
Sippe"   (1866),  and  especially  Osthoff,   Etymologische  Parerga 
(1901)    100  fiP.,  who  embodies  Ahrens'    suggestions   with   many 
additions.     He   arranges  the  material    under   eight  stem-forms: 
(1)  *derii-  *deru-,   (2)  *doru-  *doru-,    (3)  *dreii-,    (4)  *drou-, 
(5)  *druu-,  (6)  *dru-,  (7)  *dru-,  (8)  *dru-  or  *dru-. 

For  the  Ablaut  relation  between  Skt.  ddru-  jdnu-  and  Grk.  86pv  yoVv, 
etc.,  see  Brug.,  Grd.  i,  70  f.,  ii,  1205,  note,  i'^,  139,  and  xliii,  Kmze  Gr. 
74,  75,  with  literature  cited  in  last  two.  Of.  also  Meringer,  Sitzungsber. 
d.  kais.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  (Wien,  1892),  bd.  125,  2,  21  ff.;  J.  Schmidt,  K.Z. 
32  (1893),  338;  Hirt,  Akz.  220,  Ablaut  522,  772. 

II.     NOUNS   IN   -VS  -V,    GEN.   -VOS 

This  class  includes  (1)  nouns  belonging  to  Type  II  (long 
il-stems),  (2)  nouns  in  -V9,  -i/,  belonging  originally  to  Type  I 
(short  M-stems). 

Exclusive  of  the  small  number  of  hypocoristics  (see  below, 
p.  64),  and  the  nouns  given  under  I  above,  all  ?t-stem  nouns  in 
Greek,  so  far  as  their  declension  can  be  determined,  belong  to 
Class  II.  * 

There  are  about  two  hundred  and  forty  Greek  nouns  with 
nom.  in  -u?  or  -u,  which  belong,  so  far  as  there  is  any  evidence,  to 
this  declension.  As  a  matter  of  fact  only  about  seventy  or  eighty 
of  the  two  hundred  and  forty  present  enough  forms  to  determine 
the  declension.  For  the  remainder  the  evidence  is  simply  nega- 
tive. About  one  hundred  of  the  two  hundred  and  forty  have  the 
suffix  -///-  and  are  mostly  feminine  oxy tones  with  long  final.  See 
the  suffix  -In-  below.  Of  the  remaining  one  hundred  and  forty 
about  half  are  known  only  from  glosses,  mainly  in  Hesychius, 
and  hence  as  a  rule  these   furnish   no  evidence  for  declension. 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  37 

gender,  or  quantity  of  the  final  syllable.  In  the  matter  of  accent 
the  ratio  of  barytones  to  oxytones  is  about  two  to  one,  for  these 
glosses.  The  figures  given  do  not  include  proper  names,  for 
which  no  complete  list  was  attempted,  but  of  which  about  fifty 
examples  were  noted.  So  far  as  the  proper  nouns  show  any 
declension  at  all,  it  is  that  of  Class  II. 

The  remaining  seventy,'  i.  e.,  excluding  those  known  only  from 
glosses,  and  those  with  suffix  -tu-,  furnish  evidence  for  declension 
in  about  forty  instances,  about  half  determine  the  quantity  of  the 
final  syllable,  and  all  but  half  a  dozen  determine  the  gender. 
About  forty-five  of  the  seventy  are  barytones,  almost  equally 
divided  into  masculines,  feminines,  and  neuters.  The  remaining 
twenty-five  are  oxytones  and  perispomena,  and  are  all  feminine 
except  6  t'x^y?,  6  /xw  (an  original  s-stem),  o  (but  also  ?;)  crv<i. 
The  perispomenon  to  ypv  has  the  gen.  sg.  rod  <ypv  in  Lucian, 
Lexiphanes  c.  19,  and  hence  may  be  classed  as  an  indeclinable. 

Of  the  twenty-five  oxytones  and  perispomena  about  fifteen 
furnish  evidence  for  quantity,  either  from  the  usage  of  the  poets 
or  the  statements  of  grammarians.  In  no  instance  is  the  quantity 
shown  to  be  short  only,  most  have  the  long  final,  while  a  few 
show  the  syllable  as  both  short  and  long.  These  are :  Ix^vv  Hdn. 
i,  416;  la-xvv  Pindar  Nem.  11,  31;  vr]86v  Hdn.  i,  527,  Callim., 
Dian.  160,  Boeotian  metrical  inscription  C.I.G.S.  2544  and  2545. 
vrjSv^  has  long  final  in  Anth.  Pal.  9,  519,  2  and  elsewhere. 
Homer  has  it  in  nom.-acc.  sg.,  but  only  at  end  of  line. 

On  the  other  hand  of  the  forty-five  barytones,  only  about 
fifteen  furnish  evidence  for  quantity.  Here  the  final  is  usually 
short,  but  there  are  some  cases  of  variation.  In  no  instance  is  it 
long  only.  (The  cry  Kokkv,  being  indeclinable,  does  not  consti- 
tute an  exception.)  Examples  of  variation  are:  jevvv  Eurip.  El. 
1215,  but  jevv^  Phoen.  63,  yevv  Andr.  1181;  z/e/cu?  II.  4,  492,  18, 
180,  etc.,  but  v€Kv<:  Eurip.  Suppl.  70,  etc.,  metrical  inscription 
from  Mysia  B.C.H.  25  (1901),  327,  veKvv  Boeotian,  C.I.G.S. 
2544;  xeXw  Hom.  Hymn  Merc.  33,  153,  242,  ^eXiJ?  Callim. 
Hymn  Apoll.  16,  Oppian  5,  404,  Aratus  268 ;  ardxv'i  Eurip.  H, 
Fur.    5,    elsewhere    ardxv<i ;    l36Tpv<i,    fiuKpw    XttlkoC,    ^pax^oxi 

1  It  must  be  understood  that  all  numbers  are  approximate. 


38  HISTOEY    OF    W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

"EWT^m,  Moiris,  193,  10,  quoted  by  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892), 
336,  iSoTpvv  metrical  inscription  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  1,  781. 

Exclusive  of  glosses  and  proper  names,  there  are  about  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  oxy tones  (ninety  of  these  being  nouns  in 
-TU9),  mainly  feminine,  and  with  long  final,  presumably  belonging 
to  Class  II,  and  about  fifty-five  barytones,  of  all  genders,  and  with 
short  final,  also  belonging,  so  far  as  there  is  any  evidence,  to  this 
class.  It  seems,  therefore,  safe  to  assert  that  the  connection 
between  accent  and  vowel-quantity  is  too  marked  to  be  accidental, 
and  must  reflect  in  some  measure  I.E.  conditions.  As  noticed 
above,  p.  21,  M-stems  were  prevailingly  oxytone,  while  the  tt-type 
was  probably  originally  barytone  in  the  nom.-acc.  sg.  The 
relation  in  Greek,  to  be  sure,  may  have  become  more  uniform 
than  it  actually  was  in  Indo-European.  In  general  oxytones  in 
-w  are  based  on  I.E.  Type  II,  and  barytones  in  -w  on  I.E.  Type  I, 
with  a  transfer  to  Type  II  in  the  cases  other  than  the  nom.-acc. 
Bg.,  yet  the  forms  in  -v?  are  disproportionately  frequent,  as  com- 
pared with  it-stems  elsewhere,  and  must  be  due  in  part  also  to 
transfer  from  Type  I.  The  reason  why  the  transfer  in  Greek  of 
Type  I  to  Type  II  arose,  or  why,  since  it  did  become  so  general, 
the  few  examples  of  Type  I  were  retained  at  all,  is  yet  to  be  found. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  of  the  small  number  given  under  I  only 
vtu9,  ao-Tu,  and  'yovv  do  not  have  byforms  of  the  -w  -fo?  declension 
either  in  actual  use  or  in  the  statements  of  the  grammarians. 
For  the  general  problem  of  the  ultimate  origin  of  the  two  types 
and  the  relation  of  accent  to  quantity  see  the  references  on  p.  8. 

The  nom.  sg.  ends  in  -O9,  -w,  masc.  or  fem.,  -u,  neuter.  The 
ace.  sg.  has  correspondingly  -vv^  -w,  -v.  (The  forms  with  short 
vowel  properly  belong  to  Class  I.) 

Besides  the  more  usual  ace.  sg.  in  -vv  is  found  that  in  -va  from 
-uu-m,  as  in  Skt.  hhrilvam,  L.  sneni,  or  -va  may  simply  be  a  new 
formation  after  the  ace.  pi.  in  -ua?  (Brug.,  Grd.  2,  550,  Gr.  Gr.^ 
§254;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1892],  4:m).  Such  are:  Ix^va, 
Theocr.  21,  45  and  26,  17,  rpiKTva-  rpidSa  (Heysch.),  oi^va, 
Quint.  Smyrna,  V7]8va,  6(f)pva,  Spva  cited  by  Hdn.  ii,  763  as  rare 
forms,  ^oTpva  ascribed  to  Euphorion  by  Choeroboscus  235,  20  ff. 
=  Gram.  Graeci  iv,  1,  234,  1  =  Hdn.  ii,  711,  6. 


It-STEMS    IN    GREEK  39 

The  gen.  sg.  ends  in  -yo?  from  -unos,  alike  from  nominatives 
in  -0?,  m,  and  v,  and  for  all  dialects  so  far  as  there  is  evidence. 
So  Bpv6^  Ditt'  588,  7,  100,  Delos  (180  B.  C);  KSpOvo^  nomen 
propr.,  Late  Cretan,  Mus.  Ital.  iii,  648,  n.  61  =  B.C.H.  13  (1889), 
57;  KoVuo?  nomen  propr.,  J.H.S.  22  (1902),  128,  Cyzicus;  tt)? 
U09  Ditt.^  615,  14,  Myconos  (third  century  B.  C.) ;  IT o'Xyo?  nomen 
propr.,  S. G.D.I.  2580,  Fg.  D.  174,  Delphian;  Bl6vo<;  nomen  propr., 
Thess.,  Hoffmann  G.D.  ii,  543,  n.  18,  6;  Fepy/ro?  nomen  propr., 
Cyprian,  Meister  G.D.  ii,  269,  Hoff.  i,  246.  The  ending  -uo? 
properly  has  the  v  short  as  in  other  cases  before  a  vowel,  but  rare 
instances  of  -vo?  occur,  as  8pv6<i  Hes,  Op.  436,  i\,vo<i  II.  21,  318. 

The  dat.  sg.,  a  loc.  sg.  in  origin,  ends  in  -vl  from  -uiii,  as  in 
Skt.  bhruvi.  K6p0'\vt  nomen  propr.,  S.G.D.I.  5032,  Cretan; 
ApvL  nomen  propr.,  S.G.D.I.  3758,  106,  Rhodes;  AepfivL  nomen 
propr.,  dissyllabic,  end  of  hexameter,  C.I.G.S.  579  =  S.G.D.I.  875, 
Boeotian  (Tanagra) ;  vdirvi  Ditt.^  804,  17,  21,  Epidaurus  (late) ; 
6a(f}vt  Ditt.^  602,  2  (third  or  fourth  century  B.  C),  of  lasus,  cf. 
Schweizer,  Pergam.  Inschr.  146,  147.  For  Homeric  diphthong, 
Attic  -vl,  see  K.B.,  §  125,  anm.  4.  Herodian  ii,  347  asserts  that 
the  VI  diphthong  is  never  found  at  the  end  of  a  word,  and  explains 
II.  16,  565  veKvi  (dissyllabic)  as  a  case  of  synizesis  like  that  in  II. 
1,  15  XP^^^V  ^^^  crKYjinpu).  Arcadian  TrXr^Ol,  S.G.D.I.  1222,  20,  is 
not  7r\7}6vl  as  Hoffman,  G.D.  246,  Herwerden,  and  G.  Meyer,  Gr. 
Gr.^  §  348,  take  it,  but  is  rather  the  dat.  sg.  of  7rA,7}^o9,  perhaps 
with  -t  by  mistake  for  -ec. 

The  nom.  pi.  regularly  ends  in  -i^e?,  from  -uues.  There  are 
some  examples  of  a  so-called  contracted  nom.  pi.  in  -v<i,  properly 
an  accusative  form  used  as  a  nominative  (Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^,  §  266; 
G.  Meyer,  Gr.  Gr.',  §  355).  According  to  ^lius  Dionysius  182 
(Schwabe)  =  Eustath.  1835,  43,  al  Kdxpvf  was  Attic.  See  K.B., 
§  125,  anm.  3,  for  further  examples. 

In  good  Attic  the  ace.  pi.  ends  in  -v<;.  This  is  also  the  usual 
form  in  New  Ionic,  and  it  is  found  in  Homer  along  with  the  other 
ending  -vwi.  The  ending  -i/a?  is  found  in  late'^Attic,  in  New  Ionic 
beside  -w,  and  frequently  in  Homer.  Inscriptions  present:  t]%^09 
Ditt.^  584,  1,  Smyrna;  araxva^  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3,  1188,  metrical, 
Melos;  v<i  Ditt.^  615,  13,  Myconos,  third  century  B.  C. 


40  HISTORY    OF   «t-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

The  form  in  -va?  is  the  one  to  be  expected  in  original  w-stems 
from  comparison  with  Skt.  hhrilvas,  etc.,  from  uuns.  That  in  -u? 
presents  more  difficulty.  Brugmann  formerly  (Grd.  2,  678) 
explained  -u?  as  an  extension  of  the  ending  which  was  regular  in 
the  case  of  words  which  were  originally  it-stems  (cf.  Cretan  vlvv<;), 
but  now  (Kurze  Gr.  391,  392)  assumes  that  while  this  ending 
was  retained  in  case  of  original  w-stems  ['yevv'i),  forms  like  o^/jO? 
are  due  to  the  influence  of  the  ace.  sg.  ot^pvv,  etc.  (Cf.  also  Gr, 
Gr.^  §  267,  2).  But  it  is  altogether  unlikely  that  the  history  of 
7ei/09  and  o^pi"?  is  to  be  separated  in  this  way.  According  to  all 
evidence  the  type  -w,  -uo?  was,  except  for  quantity  in  nom.-acc. 
sg.,  a  unit  in  all  dialects,  and  we  may  safely  assume  that  any 
dialect  that  preserved  *jevvv<i  would  also  have  *6(f>pvv<;,  making 
the  supposition  that  6(f)pv<i  was  due  to  an  ace.  sg.  6(f)pvv  super- 
fluous. That  the  -yw,  -0?  was  preserved  in  this  class,  while  it  was 
largely  given  up  in  the  original  w-stems  which  remained  in  Class  I, 
is  of  course  not  strange,  since  only  in  the  latter  were  there  forms 
in  -ef-  to  influence  the  ending. 

The  gen.  pi.  ends  in  -vcov,  from  -iiu-dm,  Skt.  hhruvdm.  ^orpvcov 
C.I.G.  Ins.  476, 4  =  S.G.D.L  297,  metrical,  Mytilene;  IxOvcov  Mon. 
Ant.  vi,  302,  6  =  Ditt.'  427,  6,  Late  Cretan,  Ditt.'  584,  9,  Smyrna, 
Ditt.'  615,  10,  Myconos;  vwi;  Ditt.'  566,  14  =  Michel  730, 
Pergamum. 

To  judge  from  the  Skt.  bhriisil-,  etc.,  the  Greek  dat.  pi.  (a  loc. 
pi.  in  origin)  should  end  in  -vai.  This  seems  to  be  retained  in 
Homeric  forms  like  jevvaat  TrLTvaai,  which  can  stand  for  <yevv(ri, 
TTLTva-L,  but  aside  from  forms  like  this  there  is  no  trace  of  an 
original  -vai.  It  has  been  replaced  instead  by  -vai,  usually 
explained  as  having  the  short  vowel  after  the  other  cases  where 
the  V  is  rightly  short  before  a  vowel  ending  as  in  the  gen.  sg.  and 
pi.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  here  again,  as  in  the  ace.  pi.,  we 
may  recognize  the  influence  of  the  dat.  pi.  of  the  original  short 
?A-Btems,  this  being  retained  in  declension  II,  though  lost  in 
declension  I,  where  it  strictly  belonged.  Forms  like  veKveaai, 
(TveaaL,  (TTaxvecrcrc,  etc.,  are  due  to  the  extension  of  the  generalized 
dat.  pi.  ending  -eaa-i,,  for  which  see  above  under  Class  I. 

The  nom.-acc.  dual  has  -v€,  from  -vf-e.     For  this  e  see  above 


2*-STEMS    IN    GREEK  41 

* 

Tinder  Class  I.  For  the  dual  IxOv  see  G.  Meyer,  Gr.  Gr.*,  §  381; 
K.B.,  §125,  anm.  3.  The  gen.-dat.  dual  in  -volv  calls  for  no 
remark. 

The  nom.-acc.  pi.  neuter  in  -va  from  -vp-a  has  the  usual  con- 
sonant ending  -a. 

In  all  the  forms  of  this  declension  where  the  suffix  has  the 
form  -uu-  the  case-endings  are  those  of  the  cons,  stems,  and  this 
is  true  also  of  the  dat.  pi.' 

Like  the  nouns  of  Class  II  are  declined  the  adjectives  repv?  and 
<^o\u?,  and  the  adjective  compounds  with  words  belonging  under 
II  as  final  member.  For  the  latter  see  below  under  Compounds. 
Tepvi  is  known  only  from  Hesychius,  who  has  the  following  glosses: 
repv  aa-deve'i,  Xeirrov,  and  T€pva<i  iTrTroi*?*  ovtco  Xeyovrai  ocroc  clSSt}- 
4>dyoL  ela-i.  evioi  Toi/'i  aadevei<;.  Of  4>6Xv<i  we  have  only  the  follow- 
ing statements:  <fi6\v€<i  Kvve<i-  ol  irvppol  6vt&:  fieXava  o-rofiaTa 
el-xov  ol  Se  <f)vXaKa<;,  Hesychius,  and  <^o\i/9'  ^o'Xve?  /cvve^  irapa 
Tw  'AvTLfidxq),  Hdn.  ii,  938,  14,  and  i,  236,  26.  It  is  probable 
that  these  two  words  repvi  and  </)o'Xu9  are  substantives  in  origin. 

Suffix  -u-^  substantives. — The  suflix  -u-  is  shown  to  be  inherited 
in  several  words  and  is  to  be  assumed  for  many  more  in  which 
there  is  the  short  final  -w  or  -v.  Its  formations  are  regularly 
barytone,  and  have  usually  the  strong  grade  of  root.  In  declen- 
sion they  would  belong  historically  under  Class  I,  but  most  of 
them  have  been  transferred  to  the  declensional  type  of  long 
M-stems. 

Examples  of  words  with  this  suffix  which  follow  the  declen- 
sion of  Class  I  are:  yovv.  Skt.  Jdnw-n. ;  86pv:  Skt.  ddru-  n.  (for 
both  see  p.  13);  tt^^i;?  :  Skt.  bdhU-  m.  f.  (see  p.  13);  ttmv: 
Skt.  pdyil-  m.  "herdsman,"  Skt.  \/pd  "protect;"  ireXeKv^:  Skt. 
paragil-  m.  pdrgu-  m.  "axe." 

Wheeler,  Gr.  Nom.  Accent  110,  considers  the  accent  of  Tre'AeKvs  second- 
ary in  comparison  with  paraQu-.  Cf.  Kretschmer,  Einleitung  106,  on 
etymology.  Hesychius,  s.  v.  rjixLTriXtKov  has  the  gloss  to  yap  SeKtifjivovv 
TreXeKV  (ire'AcKvs  Musurus)  KaXelrai  irapa  Ila^tois.  On  the  Cyprian  inscrip- 
tion from  Idalium,  S.G.D.I.  60,  15,  we  have  ttc  as  an  abbreviation  of 

1  For  M-stems  in  modern  Greek,  see  above,  p.  29. 

2  But  including  some  words  in  which  the  u  obviously  belongs  to  the  root.  See  foot- 
note, p.  12. 


42  HISTORY    OF    It-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

a  word  used  as  a  measure  of  value.  There  is  nothing  to  show  declen- 
sion in  either  case,  and  from  Hesychius  we  should  take  the  form  to  be 
neuter.  It  is  usual,  however,  to  supply  the  word  in  the  Idalian  inscrip- 
tion as  7re[X€Ve/ras,  SO,  e.  g.,  Deecke,  S.G.D.I.  60,  Hoffmann,  G.D.  i,  72, 
and  this  is  without  doubt  correct,  as  shown  by  Ahrens,  Philologus  35 
(1876),  67,  citing  Hesychius,  s.  v.  TreAtKus,  and  Eustathius,  1878,  56,  under 
the  form  ircXeKcwv,  though  of  course  TreAeKewv  might  equally  well  be 
neuter.  Hesychius  has  TrcXexus  ....  (rradixtov  e^a/xvtaiov  ap)(aXov  •  ot  Se 
htKa^VLoiov  (MSS.   SojSck-). 

Instances  of  transfer  to  Class  II  are :  'yew;  precisely  equivalent 
to  Skt.  lidnu-  (p.  13)  ;  fiedv  precisely  equivalent  to  Skt.  mddhu- 
(p.  13).  Another  instance  of  such  transfer  is,  I  believe  (with 
Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1892J,  336),  v€Kv<i,  which  has  the  long  final 
in  Homer,  but  the  short  in  Euripides  and  later  Epic  (see  above, 
p.  37).  To  v€Kv<i  the  Av.  nasu-  f,  "corpse"  is  exactly  equivalent, 
and  there  seems  little  doubt  that  this  has  the  short  -u.  The  Av. 
ace.  sg.  nasum  is  of  no  weight  because  of  the  frequent  presence 
of  u  for  ti  before  final  m,  a  graphic  matter  merely  (Jackson,  Av. 
Gr.,  §  23;  Bartholomae,  Ir.  Grd.  i,  §  268,  1).  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^ 
§  180,  places  veuv;  tentatively  under  the  suffix  -u-  -mi-.  For  an 
absurd  etymology  of  the  ancients  (derivation  from  KLKv<i)  see 
Cramer,  Anecd.  Ox.  i,  296,  27. 

Further  examples  of  words  with  this  suffix  belonging  to  Class 
II  are:  aKv<; :  aXvco,  etc.;  cf.  Hirt,  Ablaut  510;  a/J/cu?,  connected 
by  Curtius,  Grdz.''  341  with  apd'xy'q,  etc.,  from  a  y^ark  "weave;" 
apirv^,  attributed  by  Etym.  Mag.  148,  33,  to  Parthenius,  and 
given  as  ^olic  for  epoa^  by  Hesychius,  is  thought  by  Hoffmann, 
G.D.  ii,  231,  possibly  to  be  connected  with  L.  arcus,  O.E.  earh, 
"arrow;"  yt}pv<; :  O.  Ir.  r/a'r  "cry,"  L.  (jarrid,  etc.,  Brug.,  Grd. 
i^,  575;  yXdcjjv:  y\d(f)co,  connected  by  Bezzenberger,  B.B.  27 
(1902),  153,  with  Bulg.  r/lob  "hollow;"  koiXv:  Goth,  hails, 
O.H.G.  heil  "whole,  sound,"  O.E.  hael,  O.N.  heill  "omen,"  O.B. 
ceU  "sound,"  Hoffmann,  B.B.  16  (1890),  240,  Brug.,  Grd.  i^ 
576;  Kopdv^  :  Kopdvo),  Kopyj,  K6po<i ;  pdirv; :  L.  rCipa,  O.H.G.  ruoba, 
Germ.  Riihe  "rape;"  <ndxv<i :  O.H.G.  stanga  =  Gferm.  Stange, 
cf.  Eng.  sting;  kIkv^  seems  to  be  a  reduplicated  form  from  the 
root  kud  ku  "swell,"  Clrk.  «uea),  etc.,  with  v  as  part  of  the  root, 
not  as  suffix.     See  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.',  §  166,  and  Hirt,  Ablaut  386. 


i*-STEMS    IN    GREEK  43 

Suffix  -tu-^  siibstaniives. — The  formations  in  Greek  with  this 
suffix  fall  into  two  groups,  one  a  so-called  primary,  with  nouns 
like  ayoprjTV'i,  ^poaris,  etc.,  and  a  so-called  secondary,  with 
numerals  like  e/caroo-TW,  ^tXiocrrw,  etc.  All  the  latter  and  a 
great  majority  of  the  former  are  nomina  actionis.  See  the  list 
for  Homer  below,  all  of  which  are  of  this  kind.  Exceptions,  real 
or  apparent,  are:  acrrv,  ^Xervi,  Siktv,  Slktv^,  trw,  /caTTW,  kXltv<;, 
fjudpirrvi,  /JbiTVi,  fx6TTV<;,  TrtVu?,  (filrv,  ^Ztu?.  Without  doubt  the 
suffix  -tu-  was  not  consciously  felt  in  any  of  these,  and  SUtv, 
SiKTVi,  /caTTW,  /AITU9  do  uot  in  all  probability  contain  the  suffix  -tu- 
at  all.  SiKTv  is  given  only  by  Etym.  Mag.  275,  25,  as  from  hUrvov 
"net,"  but  is  probably  only  a  figment  of  the  grammarian.  Slktv; 
is  some  sort  of  animal  mentioned  only  in  Hdt.  4,  192,  and  by 
Hesychius.  With  /caxTu?  "a  piece  of  leather"  (Aristophanes)  cf. 
KaTTvco  Kaa-avoo  from  *icaT-(7ivi(o.  fxCrvi  "bees-wax"  is  found  (/er) 
in  one  passage  in  Aristotle,  H.A.  9,  40,  10.  Its  etymology  is 
uncertain,  /ao'ttu?  is  known  only  from  Hesychius,  who  has  fi6rTV€<i' 
ol  e[7]«:\i;T0t  Kal  Trapecfievoi. 

Of  the  others,  /SXeTi"?  "leech,"  known  only  from  the  Hesychian 
gloss  /SXeVfe?-  al  ^SeWai,  i&-  taken  by  Lobeck,  B-hematicon  14, 
from  a  verb  /3\ea)  (cf.  ySXet-  /SXiWei,  ctfieXyei,  Hesych.),  with  mis- 
taken accent  for  /SXerw.  It  may  have  had  the  same  development 
of  meaning  from  "a  sucking"  to  "sucker"  seen  in  Skt.  mdntu- 
" counsel"  and  "counsellor."  So  also  /xapirTVi,  known  only  from 
the  Hesychian  gloss  fidpTrTv;  -  v/3pto-T?7?,  probably  with  mistaken 
accent  for  /^apTTTW,  from  meaning  "insolence"  could  come  to 
mean  "an  insolent  person."  This  word  has  been  read  in  ^sch. 
Suppl.  826,  where,  however,  the  MSS.  readings  are  corrupt  and 
jxdp'jni'i  is  now  commonly  given. 

Connected  with  the  root  hheu  "be,  become,"  are  ^Irv,  found 
for  (f>iTv/jia  in  Aristophanes  and  Eupolis,  and  ^Itv<;,  used  by  Lyco- 
phron  and  frequently  mentioned  by  grammarians.  Brugmann, 
Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1901,  96,  suggests  that  (j)lrv<;  "begetter," 
and  ^iTu  "the  thing  begotten,"  both  rest  on  an  abstract  *<^itu9 
"the  begetting." 

1  For  the  suffix  cf.  Lobeck,  Paralipomena  439  S. ;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  .333  ff. ;  K.B., 
§329,  28,  272;  Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  304,  308,  Gr.  Gr.3,  §220,  Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1901,  95. 


44  HISTORY    OF    M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

aaru^  try?,  ttitv?  are  almost  the  only  words  with  this  suffix  for 
which  direct  cognates  are  found  in  other  languages  (see  below, 
p.  50),  and  these  with  K\nv<i  are  the  only  words,  except  numerals, 
in  use  through  a  wide  range  of  authors,  yet  these  are  just  the 
words  for  which  there  was  in  Greek  no  consciousness  of  suffixal 
-TV-.  aa-Tv  from  the  root  lies,  "dwell,"  no  doubt  originally  meant 
"dwelling"  in  the  abstract.  (See  below,  p.  50.)  So  irv?  (p.  50) 
"circle"  can  easily  have  developed  from  "a  rounding."  k\itv9 
from  the  root  klei,  "lean,"  can  have  developed  the  meaning  "hill" 
from  "a  sloping,  leaning."  irirvi  "pine"  (p.  50)  is  not  so  easy 
and  constitutes,  perhaps,  the  sole  exception  to  the  rule. 

There  are  not  quite  one  hundred  Greek  nouns  in  -tv<;  and 
only  darv,  (f)lTv,  and  Siktv  in  -tv.  Of  the  latter,  aaTv  is  neuter, 
and  so  presumably  are  (f)lTv  and  Blktv,  though  there  is  no  specific 
evidence  to  that  effect. 

For  the  nouns  in  -ru?  I  have  found  evidence  for  feminine 
gender  in  twenty  and  for  masculine  in  only  one,  6  (f)lTV';  (Eusta- 
thius) .  For  the  remainder  there  is  no  evidence,  but  except  Siktv^ 
(doubtful  at  the  best,  see  above)  in  all  of  them  the  -tv?  has  the 
same  function  that  it  has  in  those  undoubtedly  feminine,  and 
hence  there  is  every  reason  to  assign  to  these  also  the  feminine 
gender.  Liddell  and  Scott  give  Siktv^,  Hdt.  4,  192,  and  KTia-rvf, 
Hdt.  9,  97,  as  masculine,  but  there  is  nothing  in  Herodotus  to 
show  the  gender,  and  the  meaning  and  formation  of  ktkttv^ 
justify  Schweighauser  (Lex.  Hdt.)  in  taking  it  as  feminine. 
Some,  like  fidpiTrv<i ,  for  which  there  is  no  evidence,  may,  however, 
have  been  masculine  because  of  special  use  with  reference  to  a 
person  (cf.  <f>lTv<;).  So  Pape,  Etym.  Worterbuch,  without  evi- 
dence gives  fidp7rTV<;  as  masculine. 

The  accent  of  the  neuters  darv,  (f)iTv,  Si'/cti>(?)  is  barytone,  in 
agreement  with  what  appears  to  be  the  I.E.  rule  for  w-stem 
neuters  (above,  p.  12). 

The  accent  of  the  nouns  in  -Ttk  is  oxytone  except  in  the  fol- 
lowing in.stancos:  /SXeVu?,  Siktv<;,  itu?,  fidpTrrvi,  /Lttry?,  fMorrv}, 
TTiTis,  TrXaTu?,  (f)lTv<i,  iEolic  x^'XXt/ctti/?  not  constituting  a  real 
exception. 

7rXaTi/9  is  found  only  in  Hesychius  and  is  probably  a  mistake 


It-STEMS    IN    GREEK  45 

for  7r\aTi9.  For  the  others  see  above,  p.  43.  BCktv^  and  fiirv^ 
do  not  count,  since  they  hardly  contain  the  suffix  -tu-. 

In  declension,  so  far  as  known,  nouns  in  -tv<;  -tu  follow  Class 
II  except  ao-Tu,  which  belongs  to  Class  I.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
over  thirty  of  the  total  are  known  only  from  glosses  and  hence 
declension,  etc.,  cannot  as  a  rule  be  determined,  and  of  the 
remainder  only  about  thirty  have  any  evidence  for  declension. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  substantive  in 
-TU?  -TV,  except  da-rv,  belongs  to  Class  I. 

For  the  quantity  of  the  final  syllable  in  the  nom.  and  ace.  sg. 
we  have  the  statements  of  the  grammarians  and  the  usage  of  the 
poets.  There  is  evidence  from  the  latter  source  for  the  quantity 
in  only  a  few  words.  Homer  has  the  long  vowel  in  aKovTtaTv^  II. 
23,  622;  /S/jwtv?  II.  19,  205,  Od.  18,  407;  /cXtrw  Od.  5,  470,  but 
in  Attic  this  word  has  a  short  final  (cf.  K.B.,  §  125,  anm.  2) ; 
fiv'qcTTv'i  Od.  16,  294,  Od.  19,  13;  6pxv<rrv^  H  13,  731,  a  line 
bracketed  by  Dindorf.  Callimachus  has  the  long  vowel  in  oiarev- 
Tw,  read  by  Scaliger  in  Hymn  to  Apollo  42,  where  Schneider 
retains  the  MSS.  -ttjv.  Homer  has  a  short  vowel  in  tVv?  II.  5,  724, 
Lycophron  shows  a  short  vowel  in  ^Ztw  462,  486,  and  Apollonius 
Rhodius  has  dekKTvv  with  short  vowel,  i,  515,  but  Lobeck,  Paral. 
440,  would  read  deXKTtv  because  the  final  is  short  and  the  MSS. 
vary  in  accent.  Liddell  and  Scott  give  eTnjrv'i  with  short  u,  and 
orpvvTv^  with  long  v,  but  there  is  no  evidence  for  either.  There 
is  nothing  in  Homer  to  show  that  any  oxytone  in  -Txk  has  a  short 
final.  The  testimony  of  the  grammarians  is  to  the  effect  that 
feminine  oxytones  have  the  long  v  in  the  final  syllable.  Cf. 
Lentz'  edition  of  Herodian  i,  527  and  footnote.  The  short  final 
in  /cXeiTu?  in  Sophocles  and  Euripides  is  explained  as  an  extension 
of  the  short  vowel  from  the  oblique  cases.  So  Kretschmer,  K.Z. 
31  (1892),  333,  and  Brugmann,  I.F.  11  (1900),  273,  Gr.  Gt.' 
178.  Such  instances  of  shortening  by  analogy  are  not  confined 
to  nouns  in  -tw  ;  cf.  K.B.,  §  125,  anm.  2.  With  the  exception  of 
KXeirm  in  Attic,  and  the  isolated  and  doubtful  ^eX/cru?,  it  may  be 
said  that,  so  far  as  we  have  evidence,  oxytones  in  -n/?  had  long  0, 
while  barytones  in  -tu?  had  short  v. 

Nouns  with  the  suffix  -tu-  in  the  related  languages  (pp.  13  f.) 


46  HISTORY    OF    Zf-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

are  mainly  masculine  barytones  with  short  final.  The  Greek 
presents  a  striking  contrast  with  its  preponderance  of  feminine 
oxytones  with  long  final. 

So  far  as  I  know,  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  333,  is  the 
only  one  who  definitely  sets  up  the  suffix  -tu-  for  these  Greek 
oxytones,  in  contrast  to  the  -tu-  seen  in  tVv?,  ^trw,  etc.,  and  in 
the  formations  (chiefly  masculine  barytones)  of  other  languages. 
By  his  view  the  suffix  -in-  does  not  appear  outside  of  Greek 
except  in  extensions  such  as  Lettic  -tiw-d-,  L.  -tut-,  -tuti-,  and 
-tudon-.  Others  who  have  spoken  of  the  suffix  in  Greek  have 
given  it  as  parallel  to  that  found  in  Sanskrit,  Latin,  Germanic, 
etc.  So  for  example,  Von  Bahder,  Verbalabstrakta  94;  Hirt, 
Akzent  221 ;  and  especially  Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  308,  Gr.  Gr.',  §220. 

Of  course  no  one  will  deny  that  the  suffix  of  the  Greek 
oxytones  has  a  long  vowel.  The  question  is  whether  Greek 
inherited  from  the  parent  speech  two  different  suffixes  -til-  and 
-til-,  or  the  quantity  of  the  Greek  -rv-  is  secondary.  I  am 
inclined  to  the  latter  opinion.  In  formation  these  nouns  in  -tw 
bore  an  at  least  apparently  close  relation  to  verbals  in  -to9, 
accented  on  the  final;  cf.  /3o7;ti/?  :  /3od(o,  ayopi]Tv<;  :  ayopdo/xai 
with  ayaTrr]T6<i  :  ayaTrdo),  Kocrfir]T6<;  :  Koafieo).  Hence  the  oxytone 
accent,  even  if  itself  secondary,  must  have  been  of  early  origin. 
Then  their  gender  is  feminine  either  from  the  influence  of  other 
abstracts,  like  those  in  -o-t?,  -Tt9,  which  were  feminine  (so  Brug- 
mann, Grd.  2,  304;  cf.  Von  Bahder,  loc.  cit.  supra,  on  orig. 
gender),  cf.  the  case  in  West  Germanic,  above,  p.  14,  or  were 
themselves  originally  feminine  (Delbruck,  Grd.  3,  118;  cf.  Brug., 
Gr.  Gr.^  §220).  In  either  case  the  feminine  gender  must  have 
been  of  early  origin.  With  this  agreement  in  accent  and  gender 
it  was  most  natural  that  there  should  be  agreement  also  in  the 
quantity  of  the  final  with  those  nouns  which  formed  the  basis  of  I.E. 
Type  II  as  represented  in  the  Greek  Class  II  (above,  pp.  20  f.,  36). 
Futhermore  the  suffix  performs  the  same  function  as  is  performed 
by  -tu-  in  related  languages.  Hence  I  do  not  consider  it  neces- 
sary to  assume  an  I.E.  suffix  -tn-. 

It  is  frequently  stated  that  the  suffix  belongs  particularly  to 
the   Ionic  dialect.      Eustathius    1180,    6   gives   it   as   Ionic,   but 


M-STEMS    IN    GREEK  47 

Didymus  on  II.  2,  600  calls  it  JEolic.  The  statement  that  it  is 
Attic,  made  by  the  scholiast  on  II.  19,  233,  is  clearly  an  error, 
and  there  is  a  v.  1.,  'Ai/Tt/ia;j^eio9  for  'Arrt/c^.  Pape,  Etym.  Wor- 
terbuch  291,  and  L.  and  S.  (passim)  give  it  as  an  Ionic  suffix. 
Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^,  §  220,  says  it  is  especially  productive  in 
Ionic;  cf.  his  Grd.  2,  308.  In  K.B.,  §329,  it  is  said  to  be 
"poetic  and  dialectic,"  while  Herwerden.  Lex.  Graecum  suppl.  et 
dial.,  s.  V.  eTria-fivKTVP,  ^aXXrjrv'i,  uTraaTik,  asserts  that  it  is  a 
favorite  suffix  in  Ionic  and  Cretan.  An  analysis  of  the  material 
gives  the  following  results.^ 

There  are  thirteen  found  in  Homer  only,  or  in  Homer  and 
glosses  in  Hesychius,  Eustathius,  etc.,  viz.,  ayopT]Tv<;  (1),  ukov- 
Ti(TTV9  (1),  aXacoTV<;  (1),  ^o-qrv^  (1),  Sairvf  (1),  i8r]TV<i  jidssim, 
4\€7)Tv<i  (2),  i'irr)Tv<i  (1),  /xvr]arv<i  (3,  also  in  Anacreon?),  6api(rTv<; 
(3),  orpvvrv'i   {bis,  same  passage),  pvaraKrv^;   (1),  Tavv<TTV<i  (1). 

There  are  seven  in  Homer  that  are  also  found  in  other  authors, 
viz.,  ^pa)Tv<;  Homer  (2),  Anth,  Pal.,  and  Philoxenus  ap.  Athenseus, 
jpa7rTv<i  Homer  (1),  Apoll,  Rh.,  and  grammarians,  Kidapt(TTv<i 
Homer  (1),  Phanocles  ap.  Stobseus,  o/3%7;o-tu?  Homer,  Eurip.  (1), 
Lucian  (1),  tTW  (p.  44)  Hom.,  Hdt.,  Eurip.,  Xen.,  Galen,  etc., 
k\€(i)tv<;  (p.  44)  Hom.,  Eurip.,  Soph.,  Lycophron,  Nicander, 
TTiTu?  (p.  44)  Horn.,  Hdt.,  Plutarch. 

Callimachus  has  the  following:  dpTraKTik  (1),  acnraarv^  ap. 
Suidas  (1),  7e\ao-TU9  (1),  StcoKTm  (1),  p,aaTv<i  ap.  schol.  (1), 
[oicTTeuTw]   (1).      Callimachus  and  Manetho  have  aXrjrrk. 

Homeric  Hymn  to  Apollo  162  has  [^KpefjL^aXtao-rv'i  ]. 

Herodotus  has:  [/caTaTrXacrTw]  (1),  KTLaTv<i  (1),  X-qlarv^  (1), 
SiKTV<;  (p.  43),  try?  (p.  44),  TrtVu?  (p.  44). 

Hippocrates  has  ^Xe^ixavTv<i  as  a  v.  1.,  viii,  96,  and  no  others. 

The  usage  of  other  writers  is  as  follows:  Soph.  kXgltis  (p.  44); 
Eurip.  op')(r}(nv<; .,  try?  (p.  44),  /cXetTU9  ;  Aristophanes  KaTTv<i  (p. 
43),  4)tTv  ap.  Eustath.  (p.  43);  Thuc.  TrevTrjKoarTik  ;  Philoxenes 
-ap.  Athenseus  /3pQ)rv<i  ;  Plato  cr(o(^povLcrrv<i ;  Aristotle  /LtiVy?  (p.  43)  ; 
Xen.  tTU?  (p.  43),  e/caroo-ry?,  /JbvpiO(TTv<;,  TrevfrjKoarv^,  x^XiocrTV<; ; 
Antimachus    ap.    schol.    irwpj^Tv^ ;    ^Eschines    and    Demosthenes 

1  Figures  in  parentheses  after  a  word  refer  to  the  number  of  occurrences.  Reference  is 
made  to  pp.  43  f.  for  words  listed  there  as  not  consciously  having  the  suffix  -tu-.  Words  due 
to  emendation  are  bracketed. 


48  HISTORY    OF    It-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

rpLTTv^  ;  Lycophron  <f>iTv<i  (p.  43),  kXcltis  (p.  44);  Eratosthenes 
ap.  schol.  avTtfiaxv'^T^'; ;  Apoll.  Rh.  dekKrm  (a  doubtful  word), 
<ypa7rTv<; ;  Phanocles  ap.  Stobseus  KLdapicrTv^ ;  Anth.  Pal.  /S/xwrv?, 
[dXaXT^Tu?]  ;  Manetho  akr]Tv<; ;  Nicander  /cXeixu? ;  Plutarch  Trtry? 
(p.  44),  e/caToa-TV'i ;  Lucian  o/);Y^crTi;9,  TerpaKrix; ;  Galen  tru? ; 
Oppian  irodrjTV';. 

Cretan  inscriptions  have  afjL(f)avTv<i  (written  afiiravris),  67rvcrTv<i, 
Lex  Gort.  sixth  century  B.  C.  (see  Searles,  Lex.  Stud.),  and  the 
possible  ep6Tv<i,  Mon.  Ant.,  iii,  67,  n.  127. 

The  following  are  found  in  Hesychius  only:  [aeiearv^;'],  airecr- 
Tik,  [airoSaarw^,  apTv<i.,  fiXervi  (p.  43),  SenrvrjcrriKiy  Sw/XT^ry?, 
[e77TV9],  iXevTiif  a  mistake  for  iXerjrv^;,  [eTret/cri)?],  Oarv'?^  [t'ari;?], 
fidpTTTV^  (p.  43),  |t</)to-TU9,  [6pyr)Tv<i^,  opeKTv^,  TrXdrv^  (p.  44), 
TTOTrjTV^,  [T/3t/CTw],  (f)paaTV'i,  ;^aX,e7rTU9,  'x^pafi/SaXLaarv';,  wp-qrvf, 
Hesychius  has  ^wem-  rj  ^wtu?-  datpa^.  This  has  been  corrected 
to  ^(oyv^  rj  ^(otik;  from  Cyrillus,  who  has  ^(or^vv  6a)paKa.  Perhaps 
^(OTv<i  is  a  mistake  for  *^(ocrTv<;. 

To  be  found  in  the  Etym.  Mag.  only  are:  airaa-rvf;,  Blktv 
(p.  43),  TrpaKTm.  Suidas  alone  has  cKfypaarv'i  and  Boorm.  Bekker 
A.G.  has  d^oXr]rv<;  and  this  is  restored  in  Hesychius.  Hesychius 
and  Athenseus  have  ^aXXrjrv^.  Theognostus  in  Anecd.  Cram,  ii, 
16,  1  has  Iktv<;. 

Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^  §  220,  cites  a  form  aTTOKovTiaTV'i  not 
known  to  me  from  other  sources,  and  probably  a  mistake  for 
aKovTLcnis.  He  also  has  a  form  tuktik;  in  Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W., 
1901,  95  not  known  to  me  from  other  sources.  Pape,  Etym. 
Worterbuch,  cites  a/ceo-ru?,  which  I  do  not  find  elsewhere.  Her- 
werden.  Lex.  suppl.,  etc.,  emends  Hesychius  and  reads  iTria-fjLVKTvv. 

A  complete  list  of  the  numerals  in  -tu?  '  is  as  follows :  eKaToaTV'i 
Xen.,  Plutarch,  Inscriptions;  ixvptoa-Tv^  Xen.  (1);  7r€VTaKovTv<i 
doubtful  word,  schol.  on  Od.  3,  7;  TrevTaKoaLoarixi  Etym.  Mag.; 
7revTr)KoaTv<;  Thuc,  Xen.;  rer paKTV'i  Pythagoreans  and  Lucian; 
XiXiaarix;  Bechtel,  Ion,  Inschr.  221  and  147,  20;  %tXiocrTU9  Xen.; 
X€XXr)(TTv<;  JRo\.  inscr.  S.G.D.I.  276;  irevrexi^XLoa-TV^  Eccl.,  and 
finally  the  various  forms  rptTVf,  rpnrvf;,  rpiKTv<i,  Tpc7rTv<;. 

The  form  rpLirrv'i  on  an  inscription  from  Ceos  of  the  second 

iFor  the  numerals  in  -tu«  soo  K.-B.,  §330,  12,  K  283,  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.3,  §248,  2  with  the 
literature  cited. 


t*-STEMS   IN   GREEK  49 

century  B.  C,  Ditt.^  934,  6,  is  an  error  for  rpmv<i  or  rpiKTixi. 
This  rpiKTv^  is  an  emendation  for  rpLKTrji?  in  Hesychius  demanded 
by  the  alphabetical  order  and  borne  out  by  Delphian  rpucrevav, 
Cauer^,  204,  34,  and  by  Delian  rpLKTvap'^^ovvro';  of  the  second  cen- 
tury B.  C,  Ditt/  588,  19.  Hence  Dittenberger,  loo.  cit.,  for 
T/siTTTv?  is  inclined  to  read  rpLKTix;.  Hesychius  has  rptrik'  rpia?, 
and  TpiTTv<i  is  found  in  j3Eschines,  Demosthenes,  C.I.A.  ii,  871, 
1053,  500,  502,  517,  518,  C.I.G.  Sic.  et  It.  1363,  10,  and  perhaps 
elsewhere.  rpiKTis  from  rpCxct  is  probably  the  original  form  and 
TpcTTix;  arose  under  the  influence  of  tpitt6<;  =  *TpixiO';,  rptrix;  under 
that  of  rpirS^.  (So  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  §248,  2;  cf.  Schulze,  KZ. 
33  [1895],  395.) 

It  is  clear  from  the  above  that  numerals  form  a  class  by  them- 
selves and  appear  to  have  been  made  as  freely  in  Attic  and  other 
dialects  as  in  Ionic.  Excluding,  therefore,  the  numerals  and  the 
words  listed  on  p.  43,  since  in  the  latter  there  was  no  conscious- 
ness of  the  presence  of  a  suffix  -tu-f  the  situation  for  the  remainder 
may  be  summarized  as  follows: 

The  suffix  is  found  (1)  in  poetry:  Homer  twenty  examples, 
Callimachus  six  or  seven,  and  scatteringly  in  others;  (2)  in  prose: 
(a)  Ionic,  Herodotus  three,  and  one  of  these  an  emendation,  Hip- 
pocrates one;  (6)  Non-Ionic,  Lucian  6pxn<^rv^  (Timon  c.  55)  also 
found  in  Homer  and  Euripides ;  Plato  (T(o(^povL(nv<i ;  Athenaeus 
(Ulpian)  ^aWr]rv<;  (406,  d,  407,  c) ;  (3)  in  Cretan  inscription  of 
the  sixth  century  B.  C  two  words,  and  the  Hesychian  gloss 
duTik  '  de(op{a,  which  may  be  Cretan  as  Herwerden  suggests,  and 
is  at  any  rate  not  Ionic. 

There  is  no  indication  of  dialect  in  the  numerous  glosses, 
except  in  Eustathius  as  given  above,  p.  46.  Considering  the 
relative  infrequency  of  the  suffix  in  Ionic  prose,'  or  indeed  in  any 
prose,  one  is  led  to  wonder  whether  the  use  of  it  is  not  after  all 
an  indication  not  of  dialect  but  of  antiquity.  The  Cretan  examples 
belong  to  the  sixth  century  B.  C,  and  among  the  poets  Homer 

1 1  cannot  understand  the  statement  made  by  Smyth,  Ionic  Dialect  396:  "Noteworthy 
is  the  considerable  number  of  nouns  in  -tus  in  Ionic  prose,  which  in  Attic  are  poetical.  Cf, 
iSpuiTvf,  (cTio-Tus,  eJTjTus,  oTpuvTus  .  .  ,  ."  lu  Ms  llst  of  clght  oxamples  one  (vriSvi)  does  not  con- 
tain the  suflSx  at  all,  apru's  is  known  only  from  Hesychius,  /Spcoru's,  eSjyTus,  orpui/Tu's  are  Homeric, 
not  Attic,  while  ktio-tus,  \ji<TTVi,  and  4>\eyfj.auTvi  constitute  the  only  examples  of  this  suffix  in 
Ionic  prose,  except  the  emendation  KaTanKaa-rvi  in  Herodotus. 


50  HISTORY   OF   n-STEMS   IN   GREEK 

uses  the  suffix  most  freely.  The  few  instances  of  its  use  among 
prose  writers  might  be  due  to  poetical  reminiscence.  If,  however, 
its  use  in  Homer  be  taken  as  Ionic,  it  must  be  said  that  the  suffix 
was  not  confined  to  that  dialect,  but  belonged  to  Cretan  as  well, 
and  possibly  to  Doric  in  general. 

Very  few  Greek  nouns  with  this  suffix  have  cognates  in  the 
related  languages,  and  those  which  do  are  the  very  ones  in  which 
the  presence  of  the  suffix  was  no  longer  felt  in  the  Greek  word, 
6.  g.,  iTV<; :  L.  Vitus  m.,  ^/uei  "wind;"  7rn-u9  :  Skt.  pitil-  m.  "juice, 
food,  drink,"  above,  p.  14;  aarv.  Skt.  vdstu-  n.  "abode,"  i/ues 
"dwell."  The  vowel  relation  is  obscure  (Hiibschmann,  Vocal- 
system  166),  perhaps  U9s,  ues,  strengthened  grade,  by  influence 
of  the  heavy  series.  Cf.  Buck,  A.J.P.  17  (1896),  285,  and 
Reichelt,  K.Z.  39  (1903),  47,  sed  original  strengthened  grade  of 
sed,  but  from  it  sdd[  ?). 

Aside  from  the  numerals,  words  of  this  formation  are  mostly 
directly  related  to  Greek  verbs.  For  example,  Homer  has:  ayoprj- 
Tv<;  to  ayopdofiai,  aKovTicmk  to  a/covTi^oo,  a\acoTv<i  to  aXaoco,  ^oijTV'i 
to  ^odco^  etc. ;  cf.  the  list  for  Homer  above. 

Change  of  rv  to  av  (^^fXLa-v<;) . — The  question  of  the  change  of 
TV  to  (TV  has  been  treated  most  recently  by  Lagerkrantz,  Zur  gr. 
Lautgeschichte  (Upsala,  1898)  121  ff.,  and,  more  fully,  by  Brug- 
mann,  Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1901,  89  ff.  Brugmann  had  formerly 
(Gr.  Gr.'  42)  rejected  the  change  of  tv  to  av  as  a  phonetic  devel- 
opment, but  now  accepts  it  as  phonetic  except  initially  and  after 
consonants.  He  ascribes  the  frequent  presence  of  tv  after  vowels 
in  words  in  -tv<;  to  the  influence  of  words  like  fivrja-Tik,  etc.,  where 
TV  coming  after  a  consonant  did  not  change.  He  does  not,  like 
Lagerkrantz,  limit  the  phenomenon  to  tv,  but  admits  it  for  both 
TV  and  TV.  His  general  conclusions  are  accepted  by  Kretschmer, 
Berlin.  Phil.  Woch.,  1902,  1492-95. 

The  most  certain  example  of  cru  in  the  suffix  is  TJ/xtav^.  In 
view  of  Cretan  ■^fMiTv-eKTco  and  Epidaurian  rf/xiTeiav,  few  will  ques- 
tion the  accuracy  of  Brugmann's  statement  [loc.  cit.,  91)  that  the 
suffix  in  rjfiL(Tv<i  is  identical  with  that  in  TpLKTv<;,  rer/aa^Ti;?,  Tremr)- 
KocTTik,  etc.,  that  the  word  was  originally  a  substanfive,  early 
became  neuter  after  to  o\oi/,  and  thereupon  became  an  adjective, 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  51 

rjixKrv;  and  '^fj.ta-v  being  already  in  use.  That  the  suffix  was  -rv- 
had  been  suggested  as  early  as  1886  by  Bechtel  in  his  review  of 
the  first  edition  of  Brugmann's  grammar,  Philologischer  Anzeiger 
xvi,  16.  That  the  feeling  for  the  suffix  should  be  soon  lost,  and 
hence  that  the  treatment  should  be  different  from  that  of  other 
numerals  in  -Tv<i  is  not  surprising  in  view  of  the  special  meaning 
of  rj^iiav^i. 

The  forms  of  the  different  dialects  present  two  types:  (a)  those 
in  -TV-  or  -av-,  (h)  those  in  -aao-  or  -ao-.  In  Brugmann's  list  the 
most  important  citations  for  the  former  are:  Cretan  [^J/Atru-e/cTO), 
Mus.  Ital.  ii,  166,  n.  8,  1.  3,  in  the  sense  of  rjfMieKTov;  Epidaurian 
otvov  r}ixLT€Lav,  E</).  Apx;  1899,  1,  n.  1  =  Ditt.'  938,  9,  27;  Phocian 
TO  '^fiiav,  S.G.D.I.  1547,  7,  called  "vorrSmisch"  in  the  Sammlung, 
loc.  cit.;  and  for  the  latter:  Cretan  to,  TJfita-aa,  Mus.  Ital.  iii, 
601  ff.,  7;  Epid.  to  vfitaaov,  S.G.D.I.  3325,  15.  In  addition  to 
the  forms  cited  by  Brugmann  I  may  add  for  a:  Paros  tj/jllo-v, 
Ditt.'  569,  6  (300-250?  B.  C);  Magnesia  vf^iaei,  Ditt.^'  552, 
84  =  Kern,  Magn.  n.  100  (second  century  B.  C),  Ditt.'  554,  15 
=  Kern,  n.  99  (second  century  B.  C);  Lebadea  rj/Mia-eayv,  Ditt.* 
540,  44  =  I.G.  Sept.  i,  3073  (175-171  B.  C);  Teos  ^J/xtcreta?  tu^, 
Ditt.'  177,  8  (306-301  B.  C);  Megara  v/^vav,  C.I.G.  Sept.  i,  43 
(third  century  B.  C);  Oropus  v/^vav,  C.I.G.  Sept.  i,  3498  (200 
B.  C.) ;  Halicarnassus  ^f^vav,  Bechtel,  Ion.  241,  ijfiicrv,  C.I.G.  Ins. 
i,  3,  1119,  7  (Koman  period)  ;  Thera  to,  rif^iari,  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3, 
330,  197  (210-195  B.  C);  and  for  h:  Cretan  to  jj/xtaaov,  Mon. 
Ant.  vi,  302,  7  =  Michel  440,  7  (fourth  century  B.  C,  Michel); 
Cos  ^fxiaao),  Ditt.'  598,  58  =  S.G.D.I.  3627  (late) ;  ^/ito-o?,  C.I.G. 
Sic.  et  It.  2030  (Roman  period);  Astypalea  57/*to-a),  Ditt.'  493,  11 
=  C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3,  168,  12  (first  century  B.  C.) ;  Megara  vH^ktov, 
S.G.D.I.  3052,  a  (late). 

The  two  forms  with  t,  Cretan  ['^'\fiLTv-€KTQ)  and  Epidaurian 
^fiiTeiav  are  both  early,  before  the  close  of  the  fifth  century  B.  C. 
The  earliest  examples  of  rjiiiaao-  are  Delphian,  Epidaurian,  and 
Cretan,  all  of  the  fourth  century  B.  C,  one  occurrence  of  each. 
The  examples  of  ^fitao-  are  all  later  than  the  second  century  B.  C. 

Because  of  the  forms  in  t,  Brugmann  rightly  rejects  the  view 
of  G.  Meyer  and  Meillet  that  ijfii-aao-  arose  from  I.E.  *semi-siio-, 


52  HISTORY    OF    l«-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

and  also  the  view  of  J.  A.  Smith,  I.F.  12  (1901),  4,  that  ^/ito-u? 
is  formed  from  the  old  loc.  pi.  of  the  stem  semi-  {*semissu  "in 
halves").     But  Brugmann  continues: 

Aber,  wie  bei  *semi-suo-,  gerat  man  auch  bei  der  Zuriickfuhrung  von 
-(To-o-  auf  uridg.  -tuo-  (C.  A.  Mliller,  De  litera  %  pp.  62,  68)  mit  den 
Lautgesetzen  in  Konflict  wegen  kret.  ■^fiiaa-a,  fur  das  *rjfiLTTa  zu  erwarten 
ware  (G.  Meyer,  Gr.  Gr.'*  350,  K.B.  i,  640).  Nur  mit  der  Annahme  ist 
durchzukommen,  dass  *-^fxiTv-  in  urgriechischer  Zeit  zu  rjfjiLa-v-  geworden 
war.  Dieses  wurde  in  die  o-Deklination  ubergefiihrt.  Dabei  oder 
darauf  wurde  v  (ti)  konsonantisch,  und  solches  *yfjiL(rfo-v  {*rjfn.<Tyo-v)  ergab 
weiterhin  ■^ixta-a-ov  (cf.  lesb.  tcro-os  —  kret.  ^tcr/ros).  In  analoger  Weise 
entstand  yXu/cKov,  alter  *y\vKfov,  aus  yXvKv.  Hiernaeh  hat  epid.  ^fXLTeiav 
sein  altes  lautgesetzliches  t  bewahrt,  wahrend  die  Formen  homer. 
■^IXL(T€€<:  u.s.w.  ihr  a  von  tj/juctv^  -av  bezogen  haben ;  umgekehrt  kret. 
[i7]/i,tTv-  fill'  rifjLKTv-  nach  den  auf  der  Stammgestalt  *rjfxirif-  beruhenden 
Formen. 

The  Cretan  inscription  cited  by  Brugmann  (Mus.  Ital.  iii,  610) 
for  the  form  rjixtaaa  is  datable  by  the  name  of  the  king  somewhere 
between  277  and  239  B.  C.  It  contains  the  non-Cretan  gen.  sg. 
TToXeo)?,  and  the  more  significant  form  Trpdaaiv,  1.  14.  The  still 
earlier  Cretan  inscription,  not  cited  by  Brugmann  (Mon.  Ant.  vi, 
302),  is  dated  by  Michel  in  the  fourth  century  B.  C.  But  this 
has  TToXeo)?,  the  ace.  pi.  in  -ov<;  not  -01/9,  and  the  form  rav  ddXaa-a-a^v 
1.  18.  So  far  as  evidence  is  at  hand  it  is  known  that  those  dialects 
which  have  tt  from  -ki-,  etc.,  have  also  tt  from  -tii-,  and  that  the 
treatment  is  exactly  parallel.  In  other  words  we  should  expect 
TT  from  -ill-  wherever  we  find  TrpaTrecv,  etc.  In  accordance  with 
this,  Meyer,  Blass,  and  Brugmann  are  manifestly  correct  in 
assuming  that  in  Cretan  we  should  expect  *riiiLTra.  The  fact 
that  in  the  Cretan  inscriptions  that  do  have  -qfii-a-ao-  we  also  find 
crcr  iu  irpdcraco  and  OaXaaaa  is  conclusive  proof  that  the  Cretan 
forms  ^/xtaaov  and  rjfitcrcra  show  nothing  as  to  the  actual  condition 
in  early  Cretan,  and  hence  cannot  be  taken  as  evidence  for  a 
proethnic  Greek  change  of  tj^iitv-  to  rjiMiav-. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  the  forms  of  ij/xtavi  are  concerned,  the 
change  may  or  may  not  have  taken  place  in  prehistorical  Greek. 
It  is  entirely  possible  that  the  change  of  rv  to  av  took  place  in 
historical  Greek  times  and  that   forms  like  rip.Laaov  (Cretan  and 


M-STEMS   IN   GKEEK  53 

BcBotian  *r)iJLirTov)  arose  from  *rjiJLiTFov  before  the  change.  In 
that  case  the  most  natural  supposition  is  that  the  relation  of  rv  to 
a-v  is  dialectic,  and  on  this  assumption  we  should  expect  tv  in 
those  dialects  which  have  SlScoti,  etc.,  and  av  in  those  which  have 
BiSoio-i,,  etc.  Against  this  assumption  are  the  forms:  Phocian 
■^jjiLav  (S. G.D.I.  1547,  7),  with  a  3d  sg.  in  -rt,  Theran  ■qfiCarj 
(C.I.G.  Ins.  i,  3,  330,  197),  with  3d  pi.  \d/3ovTi,  and  Megarian 
Vfivav  (C.I.G.  Sept.  i,  43).  The  Tean  inscription  (Ditt.'  177,  8) 
with  'qfjLLaetaf  has  also  exova-L.  Other  forms  with  (tv  in  Doric 
dialects  are  so  late  as  hardly  to  count.  And  the  two  most  impor- 
tant forms  (Phocian  ^/xtav  and  Theran  ■^/xiar))  are  also  so  late 
that  in  spite  of  the  presence  of  true  Doric  characteristics  in  the 
inscriptions  the  forms  in  o-v  may  be  due  to  the  Koivrj. 

Suffix  -iu-  substantives. — This  is  seen  only  in  utw,  and  per- 
haps also  in  ot^u?  (with  change  to  long  v  under  influence  of 
feminine  gender  and  oxytone  accent),  if  Bezzenberger's  etymol- 
ogy, B.B.  26  (1902),  1(58,  is  correct.  He  takes  oii^v<i  from  *6i;SiLH?, 
*6-fi8iv-<;,  in  Ablaut  with  Lett.  waicUt  "complain,  lament,"  waidi 
"complaint,  lament,"  and  hence  belonging  to  Lett,  wai  "ah,  woe," 
Goth,  vm,  O.H.G.  wB,  L.  vae. 

Suffix  -nu-  substantives. — This  is  found  in  6pi)vv^ ;  9pa-vo<i, 
Skt.  \/dlir  "hold."  Xtyvv'i  (y  Tryphiodorus),  hence  with  transfer 
to  V  under  influence  of  gender  and  accent,  is  uncertain  etymo- 
logically  and  can  be  placed  here  only  with  reservation. 

Suffix  -ru-  substantives. — The  most  certain  example  is  BaKpv : 
L.  dacruma,  lacruma,  O.  Welsh  dacr,  Corn,  dagr,  Goth,  tagr, 
O.H.G.  zahar,  Eng.  tear,  all  in  sense  of  "tear;"  cf.  above,  p.  16. 
Another,  less  certain,  is  ixdarpv<i :  /ida-rpoTro^ ,  naarevco,  etc.  The 
words  ^6Tpv<;,  Ka^pv^,  and  oa-rpw,  a  sort  of  tree,  are  too  uncertain 
etymologically  to  admit  decision  as  to  suffix. 

Suffix  -lu-  substantives. — This  suffix  is  probable  in  a;^\y<?. 
Berneker,  Die  Preussische  Sprache  278,  connects  O.  Prussian 
agio  "rain"  (for  aghi),  and  suggests  on  the  basis  of  akh:  ak  the 
possible  connection  also  of  Lith.  ciklas  "blind,"  L.  aquilo  "north- 
wind."  Cf.  Fick  i',  474.  On  the  other  hand  Fick  i*,  3-48  separates 
ax-Xu?  from  Lith.  Ziklas,  L.  aquilus  "dark,"  and  says  it  probably 
belongs  with  vvx--     Even  in  that  case  the  suffix  would  be  -lu-. 


54  HISTORY    OP    i<-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

See  also  G.  Meyer,  Alban.  Worterbuch  s.  v.  akul  "ice."  The 
suffix  is  also  probable  in  e7%eX,u9.  Cf.  e%i?,  L.  anguis,  etc., 
though  the  vowel  relation  is  not  clear,  and  direct  connection  is 
improbable. 

Suffix  -gu-  substantives. —  Cf.  above,  p.  16.  This  suffix  is 
frequently  assigned  to  irpea^vi.  Brugmann,  Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W. 
1889,  53,  compared  the  suffix  in  i'yyv<i,  /j.eaaij'yrk ,  Lith.  zmogus 
"man,"  Skt.  vanargil-  "roaming  in  the  forest,"  pu7'o-gavd- 
"leader."  Cf.  his  article  in  K.Z.  24  (1879),  62.  Bezzenberger, 
B.B.  4  (1878),  345,  compared  Skt.  adhrigu-  "irresistibly 
advancing"  and  vanargil-,  and  gave  to  the  gu  the  meaning 
"going."  For  a  less  plausible  meaning  see  Curtius,  Grdz.^  479. 
Though  Brugmann,  Grd.  i^,  595,  says  that  only  uncertain  guesses 
have  been  made  about  the  latter  part  of  the  word,  he  tacitly 
accepts  in  his  Kurze  Gr.  473  the  meaning  "going"  by  translating 
TT/oecT/Sy?  "im  Alter  vorausgehend."  Cf.  also  his  Gr.  Gr.^  127, 
and  Grd.  i^  754. 

As  regards  the  distribution  of  the  forms  /Su-  and  yu-  the  latter 
is  seen  in,  or  to  be  inferred  from,  most  of  the  forms  outside  of 
Attic-Ionic.  Thus  Cretan:  irpelyvi  S. G.D.I.  4992,  irprjytaTO'i, 
etc.,  S.G.D.I.  5034;  irpeiayevrav  gen.  pi.  S.G.D.I.  5167,  11, 
from  which  the  frequently  cited  irpelcryvi  is  inferred.  Boeotian: 
TrpKryeta  S.G.D.I.  705,  6  {7rpLay€€<i,  on  stone)  =  C.I.G.  Sept. 
2418;  7rpc<xy€l[€^  B.C.H.  25  (1901),  137;  7rpcay€l[a^  C.I.G.S. 
1720.  Choeroboscus  234,  23  =  Bekker,  A.G.  1413,  =  Gram.  Grgeci 
iv,  1,  p.  233,  7  gives  irpeayvi  Trpeajvof  as  Doric.  Hesychius  and 
Etym.  Mag.  723,  17,  have  a-7r€pyv<i-  irpea^vi. 

The  Attic-Ionic  regularly  has  the  forms  with  ySu,  and  so  far  as 
I  know  this  appears  elsewhere  only  in  Thessalian  S.G.D.I.  345, 
12,  and  Lesbian;  cf.  Hoffmann,  G.D.  ii,  500. 

The  forms  with  7  would  be  phonetic  in  those  cases  where  ^~  came 
before  u,  those  with  /3  in  cases  where  gV:  was  not  followed  by  u. 
Then  we  must  assume  leveling  in  one  direction  in  some  dialects 
and  in  the  opposite  direction  in  others.  Cf.  Brugmann,  Ber. 
sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1889,  53.  Schulze's  assumption  of  dissimilation 
(Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1896,  249),  Doric  7r/)ecr7e[f  Je?  from  *7rp€ayf:€fe<i, 
is  less  plausible. 


It-STEMS    IN    GREEK  55 

For  the  first  part  of  the  word  see  Brugmann,  Kurze  Gr.  473,  I.F.  13 
(1902),  164,  Grd.  2,  402,  406,  Bar.  sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1889,  53,  K.Z.  24  (1879), 
62;  Per  Persson,  Studia  Etym.  95;  Baunack,  Inschr.  v.  Gort.  30;  G. 
Meyer,  Gr.  Gr.^  184;  J.  Schmidt,  K.Z.  26  (1883),  381.  Cf.  also  on  the 
word  Etym.  Mag.  687, 11;  Herodian  ii,  324. 

The  word  a-TXeyyixi,  name  of  a  plant,  found  only  in  Theophras- 
tus,  H,  PI.  8,  4,  3,  may  contain  this  suffix,  but  the  etymology  is 
uncertain. 

Suffix  -u-  substantives. — Words  with  this  suffix  in  Greek  are 
prevailingly  feminine  and  with  the  accent  on  the  final  syllable. 
It  is  probable  that  Greek  inherited  the  use  of  u  under  the  accent 
to  represent  feminines,  as  the  same  use  is  found  in  Sanskrit,  but 
there  is  no  Greek  word  with  this  suffix  which  has  been  shown 
to  have  cognates  with  long  u  in  other  languages,  unless  it  be 
)(^eXu<i,  see  below.  The  root-nouns  in  long  u  may  have  been  the 
starting-point  for  the  use  of  the  ii  as  a  suffix  in  both  Sanskrit  and 
Greek.  Of  these  root-nouns  Greek  has  some  which  show  the 
inherited  u.  These  are  given  here,  although  it  is  understood, 
of  course,  that  in  them  the  u  is  not  a  suffix. 

Examples  of  such  root-nouns'  are:  5?  (Tv<i:  L.  sus,  Umbr.  sim; 
lrXOv<i  m. :  Lith.  gen.  pi.  zuv-u  "fish,"  Arm.  jukn  "fish;"  64>pv<i  : 
Skt.  hhru;  etc.,  above,  p.  21,  is  usually  classed  as  a  root-noun  (e.g., 
by  Brugmann,  Grd.  2,  455),  but  Osthoff,  M.U.  iv,  217,  and 
Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  336,  take  it  as  a  dissyllabic  stem, 
which  in  Sanskrit,  etc.,  lost  its  root- vowel  through  suffixal  accent. 
Kretschmer,  loc.  cit.,  332,  also  gives  as  a  root-noun  Z\u9  from 
i-(T\v<i  with  prothetic  l  as  in  Ix^^'^^  comparing  L.  lutum,  polluo, 
Grk.  XvfjLa,  Xv/xr)  from  *(j\v-fia.  Otherwise  Thurneysen,  K.Z.  32 
(1893),  352. 

Brugmann,  I.F.  11  (1900),  271  if.,  connects  vr^hv^  with  L. 
abdomen,  taking  it  as  a  compound  of  vrj-  "down,  below,"  and  hv 
a  root-noun  belonging  with  Svofiai  "I  enter."  It  has  a  short  final 
in  Callimachus,  and  on  two  Boeotian  metrical  inscriptions,  C.I.G. 
Sept.  2544  and  2545. 

8pv<;  bears  the  same  relation  to  86pv,  Bpv-  as  Skt.  asita-jfld-  f ., 
"with  dark  knees,"  does  to  Skt.  jcinu-  jflu-.    See  Osthoff,  Parerga 

1  |xus  is  an  original  s-stem,  but  has  in  Greek  some  forms  like  the  u-stems,  e.  g.,  ace.  sg. 
iJLvv,  gen.  sg.  (xO'os  after  the  analogy  of  b<^pvv  cx^puo?,  etc.    Cf.  Schulze,  Q.E.  133  f. 


56  HISTORY    OF    It-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

148  ff.  otherwise  J.  Schmidt,  K.Z.  25  (1881),  52.  The  feminine 
gender  may  be  secondary,  Osthoff,  loc.  cit.,  152.  The  masculine 
is  found  on  an  inscription  from  Acarnania  in  E^.  A/3%.,  1893,  32. 
For  the  word  in  general  cf.  Hirt,  Ablaut,  §  772,  151. 

The  word  lyvv<;  f,  "poples"  presumably  has  the  long  final, 
although  no  metrical  proof  is  at  hand.  It  is  evidently  to  be  con- 
nected with  jovv  (J.  Schmidt,  loc.  cit.  supra  53)  and  is  exactly 
parallel  to  Skt.  asita-jM,-.  The  t  is  prothetic,  and  the  -71^0?  bears 
the  same  relation  to  70W  as  SpO?  to  hopv. 

The  feminine  oxytone  Be\(f>v<i  has  presumably  the  long  v,  and 
the  cognates  make  it  clear  that  we  have  here  the  suffix  -u-, 
although  no  other  language  shows  the  word  with  this  suffix. 
SeX(/)U9:  Skt.  gdrbha-  "fetus,"  Goth,  kalbd,  O.H.G.  kalba  "female 
calf,"  O.E.  cealf,  Eng.  calf. 

Idis  with  long  final  in  Homer  is  an  example  of  the  long  u  in 
an  oxytone  feminine  beside  the  oxytone  masculine  and  neuter 
adjective  with  short  u. 

7r\r)dv<; ;  7rX?}^09,  irX^do),  has  long  v  in  Homer,  and  examples 
of  short  final  among  later  writers  are  doubtful.  It  is  found 
S.G.D.I.  1479,  18,  ttXtjOvv  Locrian,  Lex  Gort.  vi,  52,  TrXidvv 
Cretan. 

%e\i»9  presents  difficulty.  It  has  a  long  final  in  Homeric  Hymn 
to  Merc.  33,  153,  242,  but  a  short  final  in  Callim.  Hymn  to 
Apollo  16,  Oppian  H.  5,  404,  Aratus  268.  It  is  given  as  a  bary- 
tone feminine  in  short  v  by  Hdn.  i,  237,  20.  There  would  be  no 
difficulty  in  Greek  in  explaining  the  long  final  in  the  Homeric 
hymn  as  due  to  the  same  sort  of  metrical  lengthening  as  seen  in 
a  few  examples  in  Homer  of  a  long  final  in  masculine  oxytone 
adjectives  in  -v9.  But  it  has  been  plausibly  connected  (e.  g.,  by 
Hirt,  Ablaut  473;  Kretschmer,  K.Z.  31  [1892],  335;  Wiedemann, 
B.B.  27  [1902],  249  fF.)  with  O.B.  zely  or  zily  with  the  same 
meaning.  Kretschmer,  loc.  cit.,  386,  attempts  to  explain  the  0  as 
due  to  contraction  of  a  long  root-vowel  (a,  e,  or  6)  with  u,  com- 
paring %e\a)y7;.  If  this  connection  with  zily  is  accepted,  the  word 
constitutes  the  sole  exception  to  the  statement  made  above  that 
no  Greek  noun  except  the  root-nouns  can  be  shown  to  have  an 
inherited  0. 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  57 

B.      ADJECTIVES 

The  adjectives  in  -u?  -eta  -v  represent  the  same  type  (I)  that 
is  seen  in  other  languages,  but  with  change  in  some  case-forms, 
as  in  the  substantives  of  Class  I.  While  most  substantive  u-stems 
have  been  transferred  to  the  long  w-declension  in  Greek,  and  the 
declensional  Type  I  of  the  short  ?<-stems  is  found  in  only  a  few 
substantives,  the  M-stem  adjectives  retain  in  Greek  this  type  of 
declension.  The  only  w-stem  adjectives  (not  compounds)  not 
declined  after  this  type  are  re/ow  and  (f)6\v<i,  and  these  are  known 
only  from  glosses  and  might  well  be  substantives  used  appositively. 
(See  p.  41.)  Liddell  and  Scott  give  fJLOjXm  gen.  -vo<i,  but  this  is 
simply  a  mistake.  There  is  nothing  to  show  its  declension. 
Adjective  compounds  with  substantives  in  -w  -v  as  final  member 
are  declined  like  the  simplex.  Those  with  adjectives  as  final 
member  are  declined  like  the  simplex,  and  consequently  belong 
to  the  type  here  under  discussion.  (See  under  Compounds, 
pp.  61  f.) 

The  masculine  and  neuter  of  these  adjectives  in  -v<i  are  declined 
exactly  like  the  substantives  of  Class  I  except  in  the  following 
particulars:  (1)  The  gen.  sg.  in  good  Attic  ends  in  -eo9  not  -eco?, 
though  -eft)9  is  found  in  late  writers.  (2)  The  nom.-acc.  pi.  neuter 
has  the  open  form  -ea  in  Attic,  and  not  the  close  form  -r)  of  the 
substantives.  Attic  inscriptions  show  the  gen.  i^/xiaeo'i,  C.I. A.  ii, 
794,  d,  6  (356  B.  C),  and  the  nom.-acc.  pi.  neuter  in  -ea  or  -€ia. 
Contracted  forms  in  -rj  appear  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth 
century  B.  C.  beside  the  forms  in  -ea  -eta  (Meisterhans^  150). 
For  the  late  gen,  sg.  in  -eo)?  see  Lobeck,  Phrynichus  247.  The 
correct  reason  why  the  Attic  adjective  had  -eo?  while  the  substan- 
tive had  -eta?  is  given  by  Choeroboscus,  Gram.  Grseci  iv,  1,  222 
(221,  g).  It  is  that  the  presence  of  the  adverb  in  -€(o<;  to  the 
same  adjective  led  to  a  desire  to  keep  the  gen.  sg.  of  the  adjective 
and  the  adverbial  form  distinct.  Another  explanation  is  also 
offered  by  Choeroboscus,  but  it  is  not  so  plausi.ble. 

Inscriptional  evidence  for  the  dialects  is  not  very  plentiful, 
^olic  has  the  gen.  sg.  yXvfceo^,  S.G.D.I.  272  =  C.I.G.  Ins.  68, 
10,  13  =  Hoffmann,  ii,  166,  time  of  the  Antonines.  Herodian,  ii, 
710,  9  =  Choeroboscus,  Diet.  228,   15  declares  that  the  Boeotian 


58  HISTORY    OF    it-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

gen.  of  Taxi"?  /3pa8v<i  was  not  raxio'i  ^paSio'i  (as  we  should  expect 
from  Boeotian  t  before  a  vowel),  but  he  fails  to  tell  us  what  it  was. 
Arcadian  has  the  nom.  pi.  neuter  OTjXea,  Ditt."  939,  19.  Thera 
has  TO,  dqXeia,  Cauer'^  148  C  27.  Laconia  has  to,  /3pa8eia,  Le 
Bas  et  Wad.  194  C.  Troezen  has  ^apea  (nevd'xpvTe';  B.C.H.  24 
(1900),  179. 

The  ace.  sg.  in  -ea  instead  of  -vv  is  occasionally  found.  Homer, 
II.  6,  291;  9,  72,  has  €vpea  irovrov,  and  €vpea  koXttov,  II,  18,  140; 
21,  125.  Theocr.  20,  8,  44,  has  dSea.  This  is  simply  an  exten- 
sion of  the  strong  grade  -e/r-  to  a  case  elsewhere  treated  as  weak. 
The  adjective  form  is  like  the  Homeric  mVa,  p.  32. 

All  simple  (i.  e.,  not  compounded)  adjectives  in  -f?  are  oxytone 
in  the  masculine  and  neuter  and  properispomenon  in  the  feminine 
except  the  following:  ^/iicru?,  OrjXvi,  fjuayXvi,  irpea-^vi,  repvi,  (f>6Xv<;, 
and  the  Epic  forms  iXd')(eLa^  Xtyeia,  OdXeta,  dafxeiai,  Tap(f)eiai. 

TjixLcrvi  is  in  origin  a  substantive,  though,  it  must  be  said,  of  a 
class  usually  oxytone  (above,  pp.  50  f.)  ;  fiioXv^  is  known  only 
from  glosses.  Hesychius  has  fxcoXv^  ;  Etym.  Mag.  s.  v.  a/i/SXu? 
has  fioyXm.  Gottling,  Accentlehre  310,  considers  the  barytone 
accent  wrong.  irpeajSv^  is  not  an  adjective  in  the  positive,  re/ju? 
and  4>6Xv^  belong  in  declension  to  Class  II  and  are  probably  sub- 
stantives in  origin  (above,  p.  57).  The  positive  iXax^^  is  not  in 
use  but  is  given  by  grammarians,  e.  g.,  Hdn.  i,  237,  12,  who 
remarks  on  the  Homeric  iXd^eca.  The  positive  Xiyu'i  is  in  use, 
e.  g.,  by  Pindar,  and  the  feminine  Xiyeia  (not  Xiyela)  is  prescribed 
by  Arcadius  95,  2.  The  masculine  daXv;  to  OdXeia  is  not  extant. 
The  masculine  rap^v<i  is  first  found  in  ^sch.  Sept.  585.  The 
masculine  dafiik  does  not  occur  except  in  the  grammarians,  e.  g., 
Bekker,  A.G.  563,  8,  and  Etym.  Mag.  75,  15.  Aristarchus  gives 
6afi€iai  and  Tap(f)€taL,  but  Pamphilus  gives  the  forms  that  would 
conform  to  the  rule,  dafielai  and  Tapcfiecai.  So  K.B.,  §  145,  ii. 
On  the  accent  of  OijXvi  see  J.  Vendryes,  M6m.  Soc.  Ling.  13 
(1904),  143. 

The  Greek  adjectives  in  -i/9  agree  in  their  oxytone  accent  with 
the  It-stem  adjectives  of  the  related  languages  (above,  p.  18). 

The  feminine  of  adjectives  in  -V9  is  regularly  made  in  -eia  and 
follows  the  Greek  first  (a)  declension.     The  Ionic  regularly  has 


tt-STEMS    IN    GREEK  59 

-ea ;  so  almost  universally  in  Herodotus ;  and  this  is  found  beside 
the  other  form  -eta  also  on  Attic  inscriptions  especially  of  the 
fourth  century  B.  C.  (Meisterhans^  40).  In  Homer  the  form  -ea 
is  rare,  -eia  being  the  regular  ending.  For  the  forms  in  Homer 
see  KB.,  §  127,  2,  anm.  1;  for  the  Ionic  see  K.B.,  §  127,  3,  and 
Smyth,  Ionic,  §§  506,  219,  419. 

The  ending  -em  is  from  -epiP")  i-  e.,  from  the  strong  form  of  the 
suffix  -e/r- +  the  feminine-forming  suffix  -ta-,  I.E.  -i-  [id).  See 
above,  p.  18,  and  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  §  174.  The  forms  in  -ea  are 
from  -eta  with  loss  of  the  second  element  of  the  diphthong. 
Johansson,  K.Z.  30  (1890),  404,  takes  -ea  as  from  -e/ra  and  not 
from  -efux ;  but  see  above,  p.  7.  Of.  also  Smyth,  Ionic  198,  and 
Meisterhans*  40. 

The  precise  process  by  which  -e/rta  became  -eta  is  a  matter  of 
dispute.  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^,  §  15,  2,  and  §  51,  1,  calls  it 
doubtful,  but  in  his  Kurze  Gr.  §  151,  3,  a,  and  318,  2,  he  puts 
it  under  epenthesis  (i.  e.,  epiay eipay eua) .  He  is  doubtless  led 
to  this  position  by  his  view  of  Elean  (f)vjaSeico,  etc.,  which  he 
derives  from  -VFk^y  through  -^tfto,  thus  explaining  the  shortening 
of  rjL  to  et  (Gr.  Gr.^  Nachtrage  573) .  That  epenthesis  is  the 
regular  process  in  afi  and  oft,  just  as  in  avi,  ovi,  apt,  opt.  [^aCvco, 
etc.)  has  been  generally  assumed  on  the  basis  of  Corinthian 
ctfioifdv,  AiSacfcov,  though  now  contested  by  Danielsson,  I.F.  14 
(1903),  375  ff.  But  even  if  true,  this  would  prove  nothing  for 
efi,  since  in  the  case  of  evt,  epi  in  contrast  to  avi,  etc.,  there  is  no 
epenthesis,  but  vowel  lengthening  {^Oeipoi,  (f)di]pQ),  etc.).  For  the 
reason  of  this  difference,  see  Goidanich,  Le  Sorti  dei  gruppi  I.E. 
-nj-,  -mj-,  -rj-,  -Ij-  nell'  ellenismo.  On  the  other  hand  -eta  cannot 
come  by  the  same  process  as  (f>6etp(o  for  *(f)d€pico,  since  ei  is  a 
genuine  diphthong.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  assuming  that  -efia 
remained  unchanged  until  the  dropping  of  f ,  thus  becoming  eta 
without  any  intervening  stage.  This  is  made  reasonably  certain 
by  Boeotian  KapvKefto,  occurring  twice,  E</).  Af %.  1896,  243,  and 
1900,  107.  The  only  escape  from  this  conclusion  would  be  to 
assume  that  the  Boeotian  form  is  from  -epto-  not  -epio-.  This  is 
altogether  unlikely.  As  for  Elean  <})vyaSet(o,  etc.,  this  type  need 
not  be  for  -VFk^^  but  can  be  from  -eF-ico,  with  the  grade  e/r,  which 


60  HISTORY    OF    W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

must  in  any  event  be  admitted   (see  Schulze,  Q.E.   457  ff.  and 
Solmsen,  Untersuchungen  72). 

A  still  different  view  is  advanced  by  Prellwitz,  Gott.  gel.  Anz., 
1886,  762,  who  thinks  that  the  regular  phonetic  development  for 
the  nom.  sg.  fem.  of  adjectives  in  -i"?  would  have  been  *a-fa8eva 
as  TraiBevco  from  ^Traihepixo^  and  cites  Delphian  rpcKrevav  KJjvav, 
Cauer'  204,  34  =  C.I. A.  ii,  545,  of  the  year  380  B.  C,  as  an 
example  of  this  development.  The  form  rpiKrevav  is  certainly 
puzzling,  but  the  great  mass  of  evidence  is  against  Prellwitz' 
view.  rpiKTevav  seems  to  be  a  feminine  to  a  masc.  rpUTevo^, 
perhaps  from  a  form  *T/3i«;Tey?  (?). 

This  class  of  adjectives  is  much  more  largely  preserved  in  modern 
Greek  than  are  the  substantives  in  -vs,  -v.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek. 
They  constituted  in  classical  Greek  an  important  element  in  the  body  of 
adjectives,  and  there  was  beside  them  no  large  class  in  i  or  yj  to  cause 
confusion  as  in  the  case  of  substantives.  There  has  been,  however,  in 
modern  Greek  frequent  interchange  with  adjectives  in  -os,  and  on  the 
other  hand  many  oxytone  adjectives  in  -os  have  gone  over  to  those  in  -vs, 
perhaps  originating  in  the  comparative  -vrepos,  which  had  gained  a  wide 
use,  and  after  which  positives  in  -vs  could  be  formed.  See  Hatzidakis, 
Neugr.  Gr.  381;  Januaris  Hist.  Grk.  Gr.,  §§402,  496,  503;  Thumb, 
Neugr.  Volkssprache  47,  §§  94,  95. 

Suffix  -u-  adjectives. — With  this  suffix  are  formed  most  of  the 
M-stem  adjectives  in  Greek.  For  the  accent  see  above,  p.  58. 
Cognates  in  the  related  languages  are  frequent.  For  ySapu?  :  Skt. 
guril-  ;  eXa%u9  :  Skt.  7'aghil- ;  eupw  :  Skt.  uril-  ;  rihv<i :  Skt.  svddil- ; 
irXarix; :  Skt.  prthil- ;  7roXu9 :  Skt.  piiril-  (on  the  vowel  of  the 
root  see  Brug.,  Grd.  i\  272;  J.  Schmidt,  K.Z.  32  [1893],  382  f.); 
tt)/cv9  :  Skt.  CiQil- ;  see  above,  p.  19. 

Other  examples  are:  iraxv^ :  Skt.  hahil-  "abundant,"  Lith. 
hingiis  "spirited"  (of  horses)  (cf.  Brug.,  Grd.  i'',  545;  Prellwitz, 
B.B.  21  [1896J,  286);  Kparix; :  Goth,  hardvs  "hard,"  O.H.G. 
h(irt  "hard,"  Lith.  kartiis  "bitter;"  irpav'; ^*7rpdL-v-<; :  Skt.  pritd- 
"beloved,"  j;r??/d-  "dear,"  Goth,  frijon  "love;"  irk  has  been 
variously  connected  with  Skt.  vasil-  "good,"  Skt.  prefix  su- 
"good,"  and  Skt.  dyd-  "living."  The  last  is  given  by  Collitz, 
K.Z.  27  (1885),  183,  who  cites  the  literature  for  other  views.  Cf. 
also  Schulze,  Q.E.  33  ff.     The  etymology  of  €vdv<i  Wv<i  is  uncer- 


M-STEMS    IN   GREEK  61 

tain.  For  various  views,  none  convincing,  see  Bezzenberger,  B.B. 
4  (1878),  343  ff.;  Meringer,  Beitrage  (Wiener  Akad.  125,  1891) 
3 ;  Osthoff,  Perf.  534;  Thurneysen,  K.Z.  30  (1890),  352.  Wacker- 
nagel,  K.Z.  30  (1890),  301  f.,  takes  afi^Xis  as  "without  strength" 
from  a  privative  and  */3X}k  */i.aXu<?  connected  with  fidXa  fidXiara. 
For  an  ancient  view  see  Etym.  Mag.  79,  5,  where  it  is  derived 
from  TO  /xmXo<;.  8aav<i  with  its  intervocalic  o-  has  presented  diffi- 
culty, and  called  forth  a  variety  of  explanations.  Brugmann, 
Grd.  i^,  748,  was  inclined  to  accept  G.  Meyer's  view  (Alb.  Worter- 
buch  65)  that  Sacru?  was  from  *dntsu-s,  *8aTav-  because  of 
Albanian  dent-  "make  compact,  close."  In  his  Gr.  Gr.^  122  he 
goes  back  to  J.  Schmidt's  view  (Kritik  51  f.)  that  *8ahv<i  was 
changed  back  to  8aam  in  proethnic  Greek  after  *8evao'i  (cf. 
jSevOo';  :  /Sa^u?)  and  that  afterward  ^aav'i  came  in  for  *8evao<i. 
See  the  literature  cited  in  Gr,  Gr.*  122  for  other  views.  In  the 
Ber.  sachs.  G.  d.  W.,  1901,  92  ff.  Brugmann  rejects  all  former 
explanations  and  suggests  that  haav<i  is  from  *8arv'i  =  *dntn-s 
with  the  change  of  tv  to  <tv  for  which  he  argues.  See  above,  pp. 
50  f.  The  t  in  this  case  is  a  "root-determinative"  and  the  suffix 
is  -u-  not  -tu-.  This  is  clear  both  from  the  L.  denseo  to  Alb.  dent, 
and  from  the  great  infrequency  of  the  suffix  -tu-  in  adjectives. 

Suffix  -mu-  adjectives. — This  is  probable  in  Spl/xixi.  For  the 
etymology  see  Osthoff,  Etym.  Parerga  164,  who  derives  from 
*Sptcr/Mv<i  and  compares  with  L.  trls-tis. 

Suffix  -lu-  adjectives. — This  is  seen  in  ^r)\u<? :  Skt.  dhdril- 
"sucking,"  Skt.  i/dhd  "suck,"  Grk.  OtjXt].  It  is  not  shown  for 
any  other  Greek  adjectives. 

Suffix  -tu-  adjectives. — This  is  not  found  except  in  '^fita-vi,  and 
this  is  without  doubt  a  substantive  in  origin.     See  above,  pp.  50  ff . 

Suffix  -gu-  adjectives. — For  Brugmann's  view  of  iyyix;  /xecrarr}- 
7W  see  above,  p.  54.  Breal,  M6m.  Soc.  Ling.  12  (1902),  242, 
sees  in  the  -yv^  of  iyyv^  an  old  loc.  pi.  yvai,  from  the  root  yv  seen 
in  yvlov  "limb,"  but  this  is  not  probable. 

C.      COMPOUNDS 

In  compounds  where  the  first  member  is  a  noun  or  adjective 
in  -v?,  -u,  gen.  -co?  (-eo)?),  the  first  member  always  ends  in  u,  but 


62  HISTORY    OF   It-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

in  those  where  the  first  member  is  a  noun  in  -w,  -vo<;  the  first 
member  sometimes  ends  in  v,  but  more  often  in  vo,  as  lx0v-^6\o<; 
and  lxOv6-^p(OTo<i,  etc.     See  K.B.,  §  340,  7  C,  a,  330. 

Nearly  all  compounds  in  which  the  final  member  is  a  noun  or 
adjective  in  -y?  are  adjectives.  Some  few  are  nouns,  and  a  few 
are  substantivized  adjectives.  The  accent  of  the  compound  adjec- 
tive is  proparoxytone,  no  matter  what  the  accent  or  quantity  of 
the  final  of  the  simplex.  Herodian  i,  237,  8,  simply  says  that  all 
compound  adjectives  in  -u?  are  barytone,  citing  eirrjXvi,  verjXv;, 
7roXvBaKpv<i,  /xeXdvoSpv;.  Cf.  Etym.  Mag.  246,  11,  Eustath.  833, 
and  Schol.  Ven.  ad  Catal.  v.  271,  quoted  by  Lobeck,  Phryn.  533. 
According  to  Lobeck,  Paral.  252,  substantives  are  generally  par- 
oxytone.  He  cites  eTVfioBpvi,  r^fxepohpvi,  \i.v68pv<i,  (f)e\\68pv'i, 
XctfiaiSpui;,  and  %a/iai7rn-u9.  The  last  is  more  probably  proparoxy- 
tone, and  he  himself  cites  irpoTrjOvi  and  vapBoaraxvi  as  substantives. 
Further,  ylrevSafid/xa^vi  and  -^^evharpdc^a^vi  are  not  paroxytone. 

Of  the  nouns  belonging  to  Class  I,  only  TreXeKVf,  Trrj^vi,  and 
Trpea^vi  are  found  as  the  final  member  in  compounds.  From 
TreXe/cw  we  have  only  e^aTreXe/cw,  frequent  in  Polybius,  from 
irrixyi  over  thirty  compounds,  and  from  irpea^vi  only  lo-oirpea^vi, 
^sch.  Ag.  78.  and  a-vixirpea-^vi.  These  compounds,  when  adjec- 
tives, have  the  masculine  and  feminine  in  -i"?  and  the  neuter  in  -u/ 
and  are  declined  like  the  nouns  of  Class  I.^  Substantive  com- 
pounds under  this  head  are  rare,  A  probable  example  is  avfi- 
•n-pea-^vi.     The  declension  is  like  that  of  the  simplex. 

Compounds  with  nouns  in  -w  -u,  -vo<i  as  final  member  are 
formed  from  a/xd/xa^vi,  dpKv;,  drpd^a^vi,  /BoTpv;,  y€vv<;,  7>}/3W, 
Bdxpv,  Spi)9,   t'cr^u?,   IxPv^,  KCKV<i,  veKVi,  ol^v^,  6(f)pv^,  ttitvs,  crra^i;?, 

1  This  and  similar  statements  below  do  not  imply  that  every  word  has  both  forms  and 
all  (genders.  Some  appear  only  as  masculine,  some  as  feminine,  and  many  do  not  show  the 
neuter  form,  but  the  type  is  us  represented. 

2  K.B.,  g  149,  xi,  and  §  126,  anm.  9,  give  the  genitive  in  -cos,  and  say  that  they  are  declined 
like  ordinary  adjoctivos  in  -u?,  except  that  in  the  nom.-acc.  pi.  uoutor  they  have  the  close 
form  in  -i),  not  the  open  form  in  -ea.  But  since  in  this  neuter  jilural  form  they  agree  with  the 
nouns  of  Class  I  rather  than  with  the  adjectives  like  vAukus,  the  presumption  is  that  the 
gen.  sg.  also  had  the  substantive  form  -ems  in  Attic,  unless  there  is  evidence  to  the  contrary, 
and  such  I  have  not  been  able  to  find.  (Tiie  compounds  of  Class  II  are  declined  like  nouns 
of  II,  not  like  adjectives;  see  below.)  Hdt.  2,  149,  has  TeTpanr)xeo<;,  Polybius  5,  89,  6,  has  airo 
iKKaiStKanrixovi;  ....  oKTdTrrjxous,  but  neither  shows  what  Attic  usage  would  be.  L.  and  S. 
give  /caAAiVijxus,  AuKoirijxus,  efoneAeiciit,  TeTpdmjxvi,  and  perhaps  othors,  as  having  the  gen.  -€w? 
They  give  ayXaonrixvt,  Trei'ToTrrjxv?,  eKKatie/caTrrjxus  as  having  the  gen. -eos  —  on  what  grounds, 
I  do  not  know. 


M-STEMS    IN    GREEK  63 

Tr)0v<i,  (f)pa(Trik,  X^^^'  Their  declension  is  like  that  of  the  sim- 
plex. The  adjective  compounds  have  the  masculine  and  feminine 
in  -f?,  the  neuter  in  -v.     See  footnote  1,  p.  (')2. 

Compounds  with  adjectives  in  -w  as  final  member  are  them- 
selves adjectives,  and  follow  the  usual  declension  of  adjectives  in 
-V9  -eta  -V,  except  that  the  feminine  in  -eia  is  rare  and  the  form  in 
-u?  often  does  duty  both  as  masculine  and  feminine.  Eustathius 
1017,  35  and  833,  quoted  by  Lobeck,  Phryn.  538,  takes  such 
forms  as  aijL(f)iBdaeLa,  iirTroSdcreLa^  'x^a'Xjco^dpeca  (all  in  use  in 
Homer)  as  the  feminine  to  adjectives  in  -w,  and  explains  the 
accent  by  saying  that  they  agree  in  this  with  compound  adjectives 
in  the  masculine,  as  T/oa%u9  but  drpaxv^.  o|w  but  kuto^is,  di']\v<i 
but  dOr)\v<i.  Theophrastus,  H.  PI.  3,  13,  6,  has  eiri^apdav  where 
the  Thesaurus  would  read  iTn^dpeiav,  and  for  o^vyXvKela  poa^ 
Pollux  6,  80,  the  Thesaurus  would  read  o^vyXvKeia.  The  mascu- 
line forms  in  -v<?  for  anc^thdaeia  and  ItnTohdaeia  do  not  occur  (K.B., 
§  145,  ii),  and  Lobeck,  Phryn.  538,  takes  these  feminine  forms 
rather  as  parallel  to  fiovvoyeveia,  decnneTreta  and  similar  feminine 
forms  to  masculines  in  -779.  At  any  rate  undoubted  instances  of 
the  use  of  the  form  in  -v<t  as  feminine  are  found,  e.  g.,  Theoph. 
H.  PI.  1,  6,  8,  avvo^v<t  as  feminine. 

The  following  adjectives  in  -u?  are  found  as  the  final  member 
of  compound  adjectives  in  -w :  ctfi^Xv^,  ^a0is,  ^apix;,  ^pax^k, 
yXvKv^,  8a<7V^,  SpLfiix;,  ev6v<i,  9781/9,  dijXw,  {Opaavs?),  o^ik,  iraxrk, 
TrXarw,  770X1/9,  rpaxtxi,  ^Ktk.  Eustathius  3-40,  21,  says  that  oxytone 
(adjectives)  in  -v<;  when  compounded  give  up  their  accent  if  they 
keep  the  ending  -w,  as  Spcfiis  d8pLfiv<i,  rpaxis  drpaxv^,  but  if 
they  keep  the  accent  they  change  the  ending,  as  v^i^  ciyjSi]^, 
^apv<i  a^apri^;,  ^adii'i  a^a6r]<i.  This  is  also  the  statement  of  Schol. 
Ven.  ad  Catal.  v.  271,  quoted  by  Lobeck,  Phryn.  533.  Lobeck, 
loc.  cit,  539,  adds  that  when  adjectives  in  -i;9  are  compounded  with 
prepositions  the  ending  is  retained.  Lobeck,  loc.  cit.,  536,  sug- 
gests as  the  reason  for  the  use  now  of  -u9  now  of  -779  as  the  ending 
the  following:  "Ego  sic  judico  et  statuo,  firaecos  sub  hac  con- 
ditione  terminationem  mutasse,  si  nomen  substantivum  subjaceret 
aptum  fingendo  adjective;  sin,  adjectivi  simplicis  exitum  reli- 
quisse."     Lobeck's  examples    make  it    plain    that    he    means  a 


64  HISTOEY    OF    W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

substantive  s-stem.  This  is  the  opinion  also  of  K.B.,  §  342,  b,  7, 
340.  The  facts  bear  out  Lobeck's  view  in  the  main.  Aside  from 
the  compounds  with  prepositions,  the  instances  of  compounds  in 
-f?  where  nouns  in  -09  (-e?)  of  the  same  period  were  well  established 
are  of  doubtful  character. 

It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  that  a  rather  close  relation 
between  adjectives  in  -u9  and  noun  stems  in  -e?  exists  in  Greek. 
This  apparent  relation  was  noticed  by  the  ancients.  Thus  the 
writer  of  Etym.  Mag.  210  couples  ^dpo';  and  (3apv<; ;  213,  15,  16, 
Tcixo'i  ra'xy'i,  0pi6o^  /3pc6v'; ;  233,  53,  54,  Bdao<;  Sacry?,  ttcixo^ 
ira'x^v'i,  y\d(f)0<i  yXa(f>v<i  ;  396,  17,  eu/oo?  evpv'i,  dpdao'i  6paaik,  KOTO^i 
Korv<;,  tTTTTO?  tTTTTW ;  535,  41,  Kpdro<i  Kparvf,  TrXdro'i  irXarv^. 
Of.  Fick,  B.B.  1  (1877),  245  ff.,  who  gives  a  list  of  some  twenty- 
five  instances  of  parallel  s-  and  w-stems.  Th.  Aufrecht,  K.Z.  34 
(1897),  458,  has  a  few  examples  of  the  same  parallelism  in 
Sanskrit. 

Compounds  with  a  dental  stem  as  final  member  and  nom.  sg. 
in  -w?  are  adjectives  or  substantivized  adjectives.  They  have  the 
declension  of  the  simplex.  Most  of  them  have  only  the  one  form 
in  -v?  for  the  masculine  and  feminine  and  no  neuter  form.  Where 
the  neuter  does  occur,  it  is  late.  They  are:  opOoKopvi  -v6o<;, 
rpUopvi  -v9o<i,  e7n)\v<;,  v  -uSo?,  KdrrjXvi  -vho<i^  fjberrjXvi  -vSo9,  v€r)Xv<; 
-uSo9,  o/MTjXvi  -v8o<i,  avv7}Xv<;  -1/809,  crvjKXvi  -v8o<i.  For  the  com- 
pounds in  -7;\i;9  no  simplex  is  extant,  but  the  nature  of  the 
compound  is  clear. 

The  isolated  compounds  avro/xaprvi,  l€p6/jiapTv<;,  ^jrevBofiaprvi 
are,  like  the  simplex,  only  apparent  w-stems  and  would  follow  the 
simplex  in  declension. 

Hypocoristics  in  -v9.' — There  is  a  considerable  class  of  proper 
names  in  -i'9  belonging,  so  far  as  they  are  not  foreign  names, 
to  the  hypocoristic  type  (Kosenamen).  See  Fick-BechteP  26; 
Kretschmer,  Vaseninschriften  193,  67,  239;  Lobeck,  Phryn.  436. 

The  grammarians  report  a  peculiar  type  of  hypocoristics  in 
-09,  gen.  -u,  dat.  0.  See  Bekker,  A.G.  1195;  857,  7;  Herodian  ii, 
707,  615,  625,  665,  i,  236;   K.B.,  §  136,  4,  d.     A  gen.  -iiho^  is 

I  Kait^;?,  •v&o';,  f.  proper  name,  Hdn.  i,  2.37,  probably  belongs  under  hypocoristics.  In 
Strabo  Kocmfs  r\  has  the  gen.  -wo«.  So  also  UaXy-vt,  -uSot,  Hippouaz  15,  4,  ace;  UoiA/iui',  ibid., 
30  B.    Cf.  Hdn.  i,  237;  Chosroboscus,  Bekker,  A.G.  1408. 


W-STEMS    IN    GREEK  65 

found  beside  -0,  e.  g.,  AeowSo?  I.G.A.  494  from  Erythrae,  beside 
the  form  cited  by  the  grammarians.  According  to  the  evidence 
of  the  inscriptions  this  type  with  -v  -OSo?  is  late,  Meisterhans^  139. 
In  earlier  times  were  found  only  forms  of  the  usual  declension 
as  Boeotian  Aepfivi,  S.G.D.I.  875. 

Dental  stems  with  nom.  sg.  in  -u?."'^ — A  list  of  such  names  is 
here  presented  on  the  ground  that  this  type  may  have  absorbed 
some  u-  or  t7-stems,  parallel  to  the  absorption  of  i-stems  by  nouns 
in  -tS,  though  there  is  much  less  evidence  for  such  absorption 
here,  and  further  because  of  the  occasional  interchange  with 
u-stem  forms,  as  Kopvv,  etc.     For  the  compounds  see  above. 

aj\v<i,  -v6o<i,  Hdn.  i,  238,  feminine  oxytone  in  long  u,  but 
probably  a  mistake  for  a'yvv^ ;  of.  Lentz,  ad  loc,  and  Coceroboscus 
359  g  —  Gram.  Graeci  iv,  1,  p.  232;  ayvvde^,  Hdn.  ii,  763,  oxytone 
in  long  V  declined  in  -^09 ;  Sayvf,  -v8o<i  Theocr,  2,  110,  v.  1.  Saris  ; 
efiv<i,  -v8o<;,  7)  see  Bonitz,  Index  Arist.,  Lexicon  de  spiritibus  217 
has  e/xu?,  others  e/iw,  e.  g.,  Theognost.  Cramer,  Anecd.  Ox.  ii,  6,  4; 
KaTi]pv8e<i,  Hesychius  only;  kXvSu,  Nicander  Al.  170;  KOKpvScov 
XrjcnSiv  •  KXeiTTcov,  Hesych.  only;  K6pv<;,  -vdo<i.  rj  Homer;  KpoKVf;, 
-v8o<i  feminine  in  short  -v  Hdn.  i,  237;  k(o/jlv<;,  -v6o<i^  ibid.,  TrrjXafiik, 
-uSo9,  ihid.,  feminine  in  short  -v ;  afjLLvv8a<;  Pollux  x,  173,  on  the 
basis  of  this  form  and  Hesychian  afiLvvT)  ■  SiKeWav  and  (Tfxivvr]f;  • 
a/MLvvr],  Lobeck,  Phryn.  302,  and  the  Thesaurus  give  the  form 
aixLvv<i,  -vBo^ ;  'x^rjpafMv';,  -v8o<i  v.  1.  in  Hippocr.  and  Strabo  for 
j^7//9a/i.i9,  -t8o9,  ■^  ;  %\a/Lty9,  -v8o<;,  feminine  in  short  -v,  Hdn.  i,  237. 

Instances  of  interchange  between  it-stems  and  dental  stems  are: 
Kopvv  for  Kopvda,  II.  13, 132;  16,  215;  'xXdp.vv  for  x^^H-^^",,  Sappho 
64;  afia/xd^v8e<i  for  afiafid^ve^,  Sappho  (Etym.  Mag.  77,  1). 

Other  stems  (not  dental)  with  forms  similar  to  «-stem  forms 
are:  kCv8vvl,  dat.  sg.  Sappho,  Fr.  161  (cf.  Etym.  Mag.  574,  42),  as 
if  from  Kiv8v<i ;  MoWi^,  nomen  propr.,  pi.  MoVo-vve9  and  MoWuw, 
see  Lobeck,  Paral.  138;  <f)6pKv<;,  6pKv<;  and  the  nomen  propr. 
T6pTV<;  have  the  gen.  sg.  in  -wot ;  the  nom.  sg.  Tipvt  for  the  more 
usual  Tipvv<i  has  the  gen.  sg.  TipvvOot ;  HesyChius  has  (SpeKvv  rov 
^pcKvvra ;  fidprvt  has  gen.  sg.  fidpTvpot. 

1  ipyoTpvi,  Heysch.  only,  is  placed  by  Lobeck,  Paral.  254,  alongside  imtKvt,  etc. ;  on  what 
grounds  I  do  not  know. 

2  t/Svs,  Hesych.  only,  is  thought  to  have  the  gen.  -vSot  because  of  the  Hesychian  gloss, 

ifiv&rivai  •  Tovs  ev<i>riiJ.ovvTai,  i/Sus  yap  ii  ev<f>rip.ia. 


NOTES  IN  EXPLANATION  OF  THE  WOKD-LISTS,  ETC. 

The  lists  of  w-stems  here  presented  will  no  doubt  require 
addition  and  correction,  but  are  believed  as  they  stand  to  be 
reasonably  complete.     They  do  not  include: 

(1)  Foreign  words,  E.  g.,  Hesychius  gives  a^apv  and  ap<i>v%  as 
Macedonian,  ayXv  and  Kapapve^i  as  Scythian  {Kapapve^'  ol  ^kvOikoI  oTkol 
....),  l^v  and  /Awvs  as  Lydian,  XtXv  as  Libyan ;  Plutarch  gives  AayS/ous 
as  Lydian  for  Tre'AcKvs,  and  Clem.  Alex,  gives  (SiBv  as  Phrygian  for  vSmp. 
The  Thesaurus  gives  /MOKpus  as  a  forma  graecobarbara  for  fiaKp6<i. 

(2)  Obvious  figments.  E.  g.,  d^us  is  set  up  by  Etym.  Mag.  182,  1,  as 
an  intermediate  form  between  axos  and  d^vT^.  The  scholiast  on  II.  13, 
521  coins  rj-n-v^  and  (3pirjTrv<s  to  account  for  /SpL-qirvo^,  an  o-stem.  But  cf, 
Schulze,  Q.E.  337,  on  ^ttvs,  and  see  his  list  for  other  possible  it-stems. 
Etym,  Mag,  430,  20  coins  tVus  to  go  with  i^/xicrus,  and  626,  51  |ous  in 
explaining  o|vs.  The  grammarians  also  cite  /xikus  and  /xivu's.  Bekker, 
A,G.  1096,  has  <^vs  to  explain  oo-^us.  Cramer,  Anecd,  Ox.  has  vc'kikvs  as 
the  form  from  which  vckus  is  derived.  Perhaps  8lktv  (p,  43)  should  be 
classed  here,  as  well  as  yXa^vs  adj,  Etym.  Mag,  233,  54, 

(3)  Mere  dialectic  variants  like  yLcrxvv  •  Icrxvv,  Hesych.,  ^Lcrxw  or 
f^Laxvv '  l(Txvv  Hesych,  and  Bekker,  A,G,;  (idSxk,  Elean  for  iJSus  in 
Pausanias ;  /3poSo7ra;(vs,  Sappho  65, 

(4)  Forms  set  up  without  good  reason.  Such  are :  Sc'vSpv-  (see  p,  27), 
yew  cited  by  Passow  but  not  found  (see  Lobeck,  Paral,  254),  oto-v's  o-ittus 
and  perhaps  crfjuvik  (but  see  p.  65,  a  dental  stem)  set  up  by  Lobeck, 
Phryn.  302,  and  kwu,  see  p,  27, 

(5)  Indeclinable  exclamations,  cries,  etc.  Such  are :  iv,  p-v  or  p.v, 
KOKKv,  Kvv  ■  TO  cXa^to'Tov,  Hcsych,,  cf.  Danielsson,  Studien  i,  54;  ypv,  6  viro 
Tw  ovv^t  puVos,  rjhrj  h\  koX  to  €Xa;(iorTov,  Hesych,,  cf,  Danielsson,  loc.  cit., 
Kretschraer,  K.Z.  31  (1892),  342,  Meringer,  Beitrage  (Wiener  Akad.  125) 
16 ;  dppv '  ltTt<^d(.ypxi  KWTrrjXaTLKov,  Hesych. 

(6)  Mere  errors.  Some  probable  errors  are  given  in  the  lists,  but  the 
following  are  not  there  cited :  TpiTTTu's,  p.  48;  avTo-qBv,  v,  1.  in  Aristotle, 
Top,  6,  8,  7,  but  not  now  read;  iX^vrvv  tXaiov,  Hesych,,  for  eXerjrvv 
iXeov ;  SopaToiraxv'i,  kTf.poiraxy'i,  veu/307ra;(us,  SopvOpa(Tv<;,  €vOapav<i,  the  last 
in  Etym.  Mag.,  s.  x\  dTpcKr;?,  are  shown  to  be  wrong  forms  for  BopaTOTraxrj':, 
etc.,  by  Lobeck,  Phryn.  535 ;  cf.  above,  p.  63. 

(7)  Proper  names.  Here  'Epivvs  is  an  exception,  and  there  are  some 
other  words  cited  only  by  grammarians  about  which  I  am  in  doubt. 
These  are  included  in  the  lists. 

66 


NOTES    IN    EXPLANATION    OF    THE    WOBD-LISTS,   ETC.  67 

(8)  Adverbs.  iyyv<i  and  its  compounds  were  admitted  to  the  lists  as 
having  adjectival  forms  outside  the  positive.  Other  adverbs  which  are 
probable  evidence  for  it-stems  are :  npoxw  to  yoVu  (cf.  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.* 
571,  108);  dvTiKpv  (dvTiKpv's)  (Attic  inscriptions  avavrpoKv  and  KaravrpoKv, 
Meisterhans*  81)  connected  by  Meringer,  Beitrage  (Wiener  Akad.  125) 
16,  and  Br6al,  M^m.  Soc.  Ling.  12  (1902),  243,  with  the  words  for  "  horn, 
head,"  Grk.  Kcpas,  L.  cornu,  etc. 

There  are  other  adverbs  in  -vs  or  -v  or  -vt,  but  these  are  either  from 
original  pronominal  stems  in  v  like  Rhod.  ottus,  Bmg.,  Gr.  Gr.^  49,  Gi-d.  i-, 
183,  or  are  after  the  analogy  of  such  stems,  or  else  have  a  particle  v  added 
as  in  irdvv  irdyxv,  Brug.,  Gr.  Gr.^  257.  See  lists  in  Hdn.  i,  506, 18;  Bekker, 
A.G.  1341;  Brugmann,  loc.  cit.,  and  cf.  also  d/Avs  •  6/xov  (tvv  avrw,  Hesych., 
TVTvl  Cretan,  Mon.  Ant.  iii,  n.  13  (an  uncertain  word,  Searles,  Lex. 
Stud.),  and  ttXlvi  L.G.  xi,  23.  For  .lEolic  forms  in  -vt  see  Hoffmann, 
G.D.  ii,  426. 

With  the  exceptions  above  noted  and  allowing  for  possible 
oversight,  this  collection  includes  all  the  it-stems  cited  in  Liddell 
and  Scott,'  in  numerous  indices,  and  in  Hesychius.  It  also  aims 
to  include  the  dialectic  and  epigraphical  material  up  to  1904.  All 
words  in  the  Collitz  Sammlung,  including  the  recent  Cretan 
number,  have  been  collected,  and  this  material  has  been  supple- 
mented from  the  indices  of  the  various  volumes  of  the  Corpus,  the 
indices  of  Dittenberger  Sylloge^,  Kern  Inschr.  v.  Magn.,  from 
reading  the  inscriptions  published  in  the  chief  epigraphical  jour- 
nals of  recent  years,  from  Miss  Searles'  Lexicographical  Study  of 
Greek  Inscriptions,  and  from  Herwerden's  Lexicon  Gi-aecum 
Suppl.  et  Dialecticum  1902.  I  also  consulted  the  chief  papyrus 
publications,  but  the  results  here  were  barren.  Gradenwitz,  Eiu- 
filhrung  in  die  Papyruskunde  (Leipzig,  1900),  cites  a  form 
oyfris  from  the  Berlin  papyri,  but  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  the 
place  cited. 

In  general  no  attempt  is  made  to  give  the  author  or  period, 
but  for  rare  words  (except  compounds),  especially  aira^  Xeyofieva, 
the  source  is  given.  The  use  of  a  name  after  a  word  with  no 
remark  implies  that  the  word  is  found  only  in  that  writer.  (I  have 
relied  on  the  Thesaurus  for  citations,  and  T,^here  it  has  erred,  I 
have  erred  with  it.)      Words  which  rest  solely  on  emendation  are 

1  For  the  words  in  Liddell  and  Scott  I  have  had  access  to  the  lists  according  to  suffix 
prepared  by  the  late  Dr.  W.  A.  Stratton  for  his  projected  history  of  Grook  nouu-formntion. 
These  lists  have,  by  the  courtesy  of  Mrs.  Stratton,  been  left  in  the  care  of  Professor  Buck. 


68  HISTORY    OF    W-STEMS    IN    GREEK 

underlined.     Words  not  found  in  the  Thesaurus  are  marked  with 
a  dagger.     Where  glosses  indicate  dialect,  this  is  given. 

The  order  of  arrangement  is  by  suffix,  i.  e.,  in  alphabetical 
order  according  to  the  ending,  except  that  compounds  under  a 
simplex  are  in  the  usual  alphabetical  order.  Figures  immediately 
after  a  word  refer  to  pages  of  this  dissertation.  Only  those  places 
considered  most  important  are  thus  referred  to,  and  the  index  is 
not  intended  to  be  complete  in  this  respect. 


WORD -LISTS 


A.     NOUNS  IN  -1 
jTpeo-^us  54,  27  f . 

io-OTrpeo-pus  ^Sch.  Ag.  78 

(rii^ijrpciT^us 
uiv's  29-35 

tn-t'Aeicu  41,  Hesych. 
irdXeKVi  41,  27  f. 

«fajreAe<cus 
e7X«^"S  27,  54 

yovv  35  f.  gen.  -fos,  not  -eos 
6opu  35  f.  gen.  -fos,  not  -eov 
ciopv  28 
M'Vv  28,  more  probably  xinder 

-us  -VOi 

ao-Tv  44,  50 

oyAaoTTTJXUS 
apyvp6nri\vi 

6t7r>)xus 


VJ  -U,   -eos  (-€WS)   WITH  THEIB 

5voicatc(Koo'iin)xut 

SotSeKam)xvi  or  SuoiSeicdinjxvt 

eiico<n7rT)xus 

tivaTnjxvs  =  ivvfdnrixvi 

«(tin/xus  =  ef  aTTTJXUS 

«Ae(^oi'Td»r>jxus 

ei'ScKaTTTjxus 

ei'enjKOfTdmjxvs 

€»'»'e<i7ri)xv9  =  eivdmixvi 

i^dTrrixvi  =  eit>nix«S 

i^riKOVTa.irr)xvi 

errinrixvi 

«i7Tdinjxv9 

«vjrr)xu« 

i<roir>)xus 

KaAAiTTTjx"? 

AeuKOffTjxv? 

oySoTjKOiTdjrrixus 


COMPOUNDS 

oxTuKaiieicdinjxvf 
OKTiuiTTjxus  or  oicTaTi-rixus 
n-apdn-TJXi'  •  inaTiov     HeSych., 

Pollux 
iropdiTTJXus 
ireiToiTTjxus 

irei'rjjKOVToiTTjxus 

TTOAUTTTJXU? 
poioTTTJXVS 

T€<7<7apa<coi'Tdir>)xvs 

TfTpdrrijxvt 

TpioKOi'TaB'ei'Tdmixvv 

TptOXOl'TdTrTJX^^ 
TpiTJ/litTTJXVS 

Tpin-ijx"* 
TpL(TKaiS€Ka.irrt\v^ 

f  Xpvo-oiroxv?  Bacchyl.  V,  40 
iriii  28,  41 


B.     NOUNS  IN  -US  -V,  -DOS  WITH   THEIR  COMPOUNDS  1 


i^vs  •  fv4>r)p.La,  trTt-yp-r)    Hesych. 

Perhaps    gen.    -uSo9    65, 
footnote  2 

Ai/3ues  •  rCiV    6(f)eu>v    Ttves  .... 

Hesych.  et  al. 
<j)6pPv  ■  TO.  ouAa.  'HAetot  Hesych. 
(TTAeyvOs  55,  Theophr.  H.  Pi.  8, 

4,3 
t  ArjYiis  Cram.  An.  Ox.  II,  303, 11. 
dySvs  •  ayyoi.  KprjTLKOv  Hesych. 
vrjSvi  55 

fotSiis  Cram.  An.  Ox.  II,  303, 11 
yotSues  •  puT^pcs  Hesych.  Same 

as  preceding?  Cf .  yi.<T\vf 

idxvv 
KavSv;  6 
KovBv 

KopSv^  •  Trai-oupyos  Hesych. 
ol'^vs  53  (ui^u's  Hesych.) 
jrdi'oi^us  ^sch.  Cho.  49 
fTpio-oi^u?  Etym.   Mag.  and 

Etym.  Gud. 

/SpdSv 
^6flu  42, 13 
yjjflu  ^  ■yjjSuoi' 
ttAtjSus  56 
iflus  56,  Homer 

fflptflus  •  o  i^x^pos  Cram.   An. 
Ox.  II,  303, 11. 


Kopdvi  Theocr. 
ix^Os  6  55 

avixBvi; 

cLTTLxdv^  {a^r^xOvi) 

(cdAAix^us 
TTo\vi\9vt 
i^iAix^us 

|3e'A«itv{  •  oaitpiov  Ti .  .  .  Hesych. 
ve'icus  42 
ictKu?  42 
dxiKVt 

<riKii9  •  6  yvai^fv^  Hesych. 
KOKKvi;  •  Ao(^of  Hesych. 

apKV<;  42 

rroAuopitus  Oppian  Cyn.  4, 10 

jui/uopKu?  Aristoph.  Athen.,etc. 
KepKv      unintelligible     gloss, 
Hesych. 

dAvs 

avap\vei  •  Trijyoi  Hesych. 

Xe'Avs  .56 

XpucrdXfAwt  C.I.G.  5039,  1 
«yX<Au?  27  (of.  -uSf  -«os) 
iAiis  (etAvs)  55 

KotAv  ■  TO  KaAd>>  42,  Hesych. 

tAAufs  •  ^<oa    ei*    .    .    .    .    iroTajio! 

Hesych. 

{TKoAAvs  o 


oAoAvt  6 

fioAus  Hdn.  II,  938, 17 

fdiroAv  *  6aifjt.u}v  rj  Ovaia,  ^uvTf^ 
6ji(<>o««s  Hesych.,  but  out 
of  alphabetical  orderand 
very  doubtful 

dxAu9  58 

/xuAv 

Kpep.vi   Aristotle  ap.  Athen. 

3a5(i 
Xpefivi  •  6  ovivKOi  ix^v?  Hesych. 
/cA«»ifiiis  Anton.  Lib.,  c.  32 
odvvtt  •  ivt&pai   Hesych.,    mis- 
take    for    Bpayvtt  •    iSpai 
Schmidt 

iyviit  .56 
Aiyi-vs  .53 
ytwi  42 

dfi^tyo'i't  •  d{in|  Hesych. 
fioKpoytwi   Adamant.  Phys. 

396 
liiKpoytwi    Adamant.   Phys. 
2,17 
^  ofuyen;?   Pollux  2,  97 

XoAxdyo'vt  Pind.  Pyth.  4 
<Aii/u<t  Etym.  Mag.  and  Poly- 

bius 
'Epivvi;  nomen  propr. 
Bpriwt  o  53 


1  iivi  original  s-stem,  55,  footnote. 


69 


70 


HISTORY    OF    M-STEMS    IN    GREEK 


rpiivv  Cram.  An.  Ox.  II,  120,  34 
\kvw  nietrfjia,  to  ano  <TT€fi<j>v\u)V 

TTOTov.    KuTTpioi  Hesych. 
a.xvv<;  •  T)  XvTtT)  Etym.  Mag.  182, 1 
aii.diJ.a^v';  t) 

i//ei;6a/iiaju.a|us  6    Arist.  Vesp. 

326 

dTpa<J)afus 

i|/eu6aTpa<^aJus  Arist.  Eq.  630 

(cojru?  •  nvivixa.,    ic^iros  Hesych. 
vaitv  =  aivrinv 

paTTv?  (poinds),  see  Athen.  3696 

apnvv  •  epwTa.    AioAeis    42,    He- 
sych.,  Etym.  Mag.  148,  33 
(Parthenius) 
fiapv  •  dv/uia/tiaTiof  Ti  eiiiSes  Bek- 

ker,  A.G.  225,  16 
/Sopves  •  SevSpa  Hesych. 
fipOs  55 
a6pv;  Pindar,  Fr.  23, 126 
\yepa.vSpve^  •  ai   naKaial    Spues 

....  Hesych. 
fvdXiSpv;,  seeLobeck,  Paral. 

252 
6Tu;uo6p«s  Theophr.  H.  PI.  3, 

8,  2,  and  Hesych. 
rifiepoSpv^  •  elSos  Spvoi;  Hesych. 
^LvoSpv:        ' 
(^eAAdSpu? 
Xa-fiaiSpvi 

XtSpu  •  ofofxa  SetAof  Hesych. 

f<.eAai>5pvs  6 

ye'pus  •  yipuiv  Hesych, 
p^pus  •  ix0Os  Hesych. 
yrtpv^,  42 

PpoToyrjpvi  Anth.  Pal.  9,  562 

e'piyTjpus  •  iJieya\6^(ovo<;     He- 
sych. 

euyrjpus 

/caAdyijput    Suidas   S.  t;.   Kp^- 
yuoi" 

/ieiAixdyrjpus  Tyrt.  3,  8 

/xeAi'yijpu? 

noiKiKoyapv;  Find.  01.  3,12 

Terpoytjpuv 

TovBpv'!  ■  ij>uiviQ  Hesych. 

oBpvv.    Kp^Tcs  TO  opos  Hesych. 

5a«pu  53  f . 

aSaKpvt 

aKpLToSaKpv^ 

dfayKO&aKpv^ 

air«ipd£aKpu«  iEsch.  Snppl.  75 

api'SaKpu? 

apriSaxpvi 


^apvSaKpv^ 

yAuKiiSaicpus 

cj'5aKpu9 

eTriSaxpus  Suidasand  Hesych. 

eTOt/moSafcpus 

t  iepdSoKpus  Athen.  14,  651  f. 
■napdSaKpv  DioSC.  4,  124 

TTfpl'fioKpVS 
TTOlKL^oSaKpV^ 

TTo\vBaKpvi; 
(TvvSaKpv^ 

fo-ui'To/otdSa/cpi/sTzetz.  (L.&S.) 
TaxvSaxpv^  Lucian,   Navig., 

c.  2 
iinoSaKpvi  Hesych.s.  V.  yAajiu- 

pdi' 
<tii\6SaKpvg 
a/Li^aKpv  •  TO  dnapxTj';  —  Hesych. 

opus  Hdt.  4,  192 

^dpu!  Hdt.  4,  192 

Kapopus  •  i!6pa.  Kp^Te(s)Hesych. 

^opv;  ■  SaicTiiAios  6  Kara  Trjv  kSpav 

Hesych. 

/Sdrpu?  6  53 
(iyAad^oTpus  Nonn.  Dion.  18, 4 

eAi^oTpus  •  afiffcAds  Tis  fJisKaLva 

Hesych. 

eu/3orpus 

<caAAi|3oTpus  Soph.  Oed.  Col. 

682 
ixiKpofioTpvi  Hesych.  s.  v.  m'- 

Kpdp(p)<o^ 

TTotKtAdjSoTpus  Nonn.  Dion.  5, 
279 

iroAujSoTpuj 

<()epe^oTpus  Nonn.  Dion.  19, 53 
(i>iAd^0Tpus 
epyoTpus  •  (caTd<Tico7ro9  epyutv  He- 

sych. 
^ipTpvf  •  3i9Kov.  ©oupioi  Hesych. 
/xa<TTpus  Photiuss.V.  niTpuAeioc 
oo-Tpu?  1  Theophr.  and  Pliny 
6</)pus  55 
avT6<t)pvi  •  ^oTai'Tjs    elSoi    He- 
sych. 
5dcro(^pus  Adamant.  Phys. 

€VO(t>pV^ 

Kardi^pv; 

Kvdfoc^pvf  Theocr. 

A€l/(C0<tpUS 

\vKoi{>pvi  Diosc.  Noth.  3,  117 
/u-eAavoc^pi;?  Hesych.  et  al. 

tii^o<(>pvi 

<TVl'0(l>pVt 

iinepo(f>pVi 
Xpv<TO<t)pvf 


( Kaxpvi  53 

tjutpv  (see  -V,  -eos) 

fj-icrv  (cf.  also  -u,  -eo?) 

(tOs  (us) 

(ricrus 

Sarus  •  Beiapia  49,  Hesych. 

taTiis  •  Oepairfia  Hesych. 

rrAciTus  Hesych.,  error  for  wAd- 

TtS? 

^Ae'TU€s  •  ot  pSeWai,  Hesych. 
tep6Tus  48  (1)  Mon.  Ant.  Ill,  67 
6pyi;TU9  •  opy^  Hesych. 

e6i7Tu? 

€T)Tus  •  dyaSoTr/s  Hesych. 

eAej/Tus 

TToflrjTus  Oppian  C.  2,  609 

dA7)Tu's 

dAaArjTii? 

^aAA»)Tus  Hesych.  and  Athen. 

d/3oA7,Tus  Bekker,  A.G.  322,  9 

6a)p.r)Tus  •  KaTa<TKevri  Hesych. 
Por,Tv<;  Od.  1,  369 

eTrrjTus  Homer,  Suidas 

dyoprjTus  Od.  8,  168 

wprjTus  ■  7r>;ptt)<Tis  Hesych. 

niopiQTv^ 

■j'TroTrjTui'  ■  TO  niveiv  Hesych. 

di'Tt/j.ax'JTUs    (di'Ti/utax'IO'Tuj) 

Eratosth. 

iTus  .50 

SaiTus  Homer 

(cAiTvs  (icAetTus)  44 

p,tTus  43,  Aristotle,  H.A.9, 40, 10 

TTITUS    44 

rj/xepdjTiTUS  HeSych.   S.  V.   fJ-ri- 

Kuive';,  acct.  -TTiTU? 
;^ajiLat7rtTus 

(^iTu  43 

(J>iTus  43 

dpTraKTu's  Callim.  Apoll,  94 

TrpaKTu?  Etym.  Mag.  316,  34 

TeTpaKTU9 

fTaicTus  2 

pu<rTaKTus  Homer,  Eustath. 

■f-dpe/cTu!  •  (opeji?)  Hesych. 

iKTus  •  ci(C(uv  Cram.  An.  Ox.  II, 

16,2 
SiKTu  43,  Etym.  Mag.  275,  25 
SUtvi  43,  Hdt.  4,  192 
tireiicTus  •  .  ,  .  .  (T-rrovS^  Hesych. 

TplKTUS   '-=  TpiTTli?    49 

fleAKTOs  48,  Apoll.  Rh.  I,  575 

■\  inKTflVKTVV  •  inifLVKTripi<Tii.6v   48 

Hesych. 
£iioKTut  Callim.  Dian,  194 


1  oio-TpuT  Lobeck,  Phryn.  .302,  a  mistake  for  oo-Tpu^  1 

2  Quoted  by  Brugmann,  Ber.  sftchs.  Q.  d.  W.,  1901,  95,  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
occurrence. 


WORD-LISTS 


^^\eyiJiavTv^  V.  1.  ia  Hippocr. 

8,96 
f  a.iJ.4>avTvi  48,  Lex    Qort.  XI, 

21,  22 
nevTaKovTV'!  (?)  Schol.  Od.  3,  7 
oTpvvTv^  Homer  and  glosses 

xaAtTTTiis  •  xf^fToTTis  Hesych. 

tidpTTTv;  •  uppi<rTi)s  Hesych. 

apTiis  •  (Tvi'Tafts.    c^iAia    .... 

Hesych. 

affoSaaTu?  •  a7ro/u€pc<7/u.dt  Hesj'Ch. 
Xpa/i/3aAiao-Tus   •    yeA<i>s     6    fierd 

jraiSia?    Hesych.    (<cp-    L. 

&  S.) 
KpeftgaAtagni;  Homeric  Hyma 

Apoll.  162 

XtAlOCTTUS    48  (=  X'^IOCTTU?) 

ytAao-Tv?  Callim.  Del.  329 

KaTanKacTTvi;  Hdt.  4,  75 
fiaarOs  Callim.  Fr.  277 
oirao'Tus  •  (i7ra<7Tia    Etym.   Mag. 

118,  .50 
io-jrao-nis  Callim.  Fr.  427 
<^pa(rTu5  •  <rKei/fi9,    ct'i^oia    .... 

Hesych. 
ai^pao-Tvs  poet  ap.  Suidas 

aeieo'Tvv  •  ■nji'     aiuii'tot'      oi/ciav 

....  Hesych. 
aire(rTU5  "  awoxupicis  Hesych. 


Ai>'>)<rni?  Homer 
6et7ri'7)<TTvi'  •  TTiv  TOv  6<iirvou  upai< 
Hesych. 

OpXICTTUT 

Aiji'trn,'?  Hdt.  5,  6 

c(x>(t>povLcrTv<;  Plato,  Legg.  933,  c 

KlSapttTTV^ 

bapKTTiii  Homer,  Hesych. 
(cTiariv  Hdt.  9,  97 
aKOl'TI.<TTVf   II.  23,  622 

fan0K0VTl(7TV^  - 

fi(^itrTU?  •  iiaxaipoii.a\ia    .... 

Hesych. 
XiAioffTvs  48 

iTfVTex'-^i'0<Trv^  Eccl. 
fivpioarv^  48 

ireiraicoaiocTTv?  48,  Etym.  Mag. 
irei'T>)<<o(TTis    48 
exaTOOTUs  48 
Tavuo-Tut  Od.  21,  112 

tiTTvffTJs  48,  S.G.D.I.  4971 

(CttTTUS    43 
TplTTUS    49 

>ioTTue?  •  oi  e[y]»cAuTOt  (cal  irapec- 
/oieVo4  43,  Hesych. 

toi'o-Tei/Tus  Callim.  .\poll.  42 

a.\cuoTvi  Homer,  Hesych. 

SuiTvi  Suidas 

^cuTus  •  fliopof  48,  Hesych.,  per- 
haps for  *^a><rTv's  T 

^poirvt 


yAd<^u    Hesiod.  Op.  533,   He- 
sych. 

Aa[i]^i/f  ■  Sanavoi  i)    ^opot    Ho- 

sych. 

va4>v  (see  vawv) 
£<A(^Of  .56 

6\64>v<;  •  olKTot.  <A«o«  ....  He- 
sych. 

tTv.<)vv  ("ram.  An.  Ox.  II,  264,  6, 

nomen  propr.7 
o-Tpoxu?  late  for  trraxv: 
(TTd\v<;  6,  and  a<7Ta\vt  6 

dyonjraxv^ 

euo'Taxvs 

KaK\i<rraxvi 

KoKoPomaxv^  DiosC. 

fjiiKp6tTTaxv<;  (7) 

fjiVpi.6<TTaxv<! 

vapSoiTTaxv; 

jroAiicrTaxu? 

<Jiepe<rToxu? 

Koxu  •  TToAu.    nKr)9of     Hesych., 

subst.(7) 
<I<7xu  Hdt.  4,  23,  Cram.  An.Oz. 

II,  79, 120 
io-xus 
avKTXVi 
oCiToi<Txu5 

liuii)  •  TO  iiSujp   Hesych.,    prob- 
ably foreign 


C.     ADJECTIVES  IN  -ys  -i;,  -COS  WITH  THEIE  COMPOUNDS 


7rpoi5s  60 

Taus  •  fieya?.    ttoAu?     Hesych., 
from      Hnsu-s,       V  ten 
"stretch"? 
Trpea-pvi  not  adj.  in   positive. 

See  nouns  in  -us,  -eos 
4yyui  adv.  61 
Trapeyyu?  adv. 
(Ti/i'eYyv?  adv. 
Atyu?  .58 
jSpaSv's 
cus  60 
i)Sv<;  60,  19 
U7rep7)6us 

apadvi;  error  for  <i/3a9^t,  see 
Lobeck,  Phryn.  534 

jrpo/Saflu's 
ifliis  see  eirflus 
^piSus 
euSus  60  f. 

Ij.e(7ev6vi  Clem.  Alex. 


ykvKi<:  <<)iA69>)Au5 

tn-iyAvieus  Theophr.  H.  PI.  3,    eiAiJ  •/litAai'  Hesych. 


18,10 

ofuyAuKU 

wepiyAuKus  iBlian  N.  A.  13,  7 
i/iroyAuicus  Athen.  14,  625a 

<^iAdyAuicu9 
<i»cu'?  60,  19 

t'urirwKv?  Bacchyl.  11,  101 

firoSuKUt  =  TToSuiifrjs 
a^^Al,'s  61 

i/ira^^Aut,  see  Lobeck,  Phryn. 
.539 
eijXv^  61 
a0j]\v<!  Plutarch 

acSpodtjAvf 
op(T«i'6flijAu? 

TjnifltjAu?  Carm.  Anacr.  13,  2 

/xifoOijAus 

ira.v8r)\v^  Etym.  Mag. 

irapd8r)\vf  (7)'' 

vir66ri\vf  Aristoph.  Frag. 


no\v<;  60,  19 
airoAus 
ira/xTToAvs 

UTTipTTOAuS 

<<)6Au?  41,  57,  docl.  in  -vot 
/.idiAvt  •  6  ajuoflrjs  57,  Hosych. 
/^u>At!f  Etym.  Mag.,  s.  v. 

a^^Aut 

a^ioAiJt  Etym.  Mag.,  loc.  cit. 
6ap.v';  .58 
iptfLivt  61 

a5pifxvs  Eustath.  276,  2 

virc'pjpifivf  Schol.  Luc.  D.  D. 
7,3 

iiirdjpiMVf  Galen 

fiat'U  ■  n^Kp6v,  '\6anavti  Hosych. 
evyvv  •  iiTTtpTifLivov  Hosych., 
r.        prob.  error  for  eui'ii' 


'Hoiluug,"  but  1  have  not  found 


1  Cited  by  Pape,  Etym.  WOrterbuch,  as  poetic  and 
its  occurrence. 

2  Given  by  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.3,  §  220,  a  mistake  for  ixoKrio-n;?  7 

3  Thesaurus  s.  v.  nav8ri\vt  cites  »rapd9i)Av«  from  Hesychius,  but  I  do  not  find  it. 


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[esych. 

e?  Hesych.  adj. 
Cf.  nouns    n 


i,  I  add    twc 

tion,  ^KaSia  in 
b  y  Kuhlewein 

icription  being 


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